PICA Blog

Pacific Rim Mining Corp.: CAFTA Proceedings Begin as Tribunal Constituted

2009-11-19T15:52:00.001-05:00

VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA--(Marketwire - Nov. 19, 2009) - Pac Rim Cayman, LLC ("Pac Rim" or the "Company"), a Nevada corporation and a wholly-owned subsidiary of Pacific Rim Mining Corp. (TSX:PMU)(NYSE Amex:PMU) ("Pacific Rim") has received notice from the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes ("ICSID") that the three nominations for arbitrators in the Company's action under the Central America-Dominican Republic-United States of America Free Trade Agreement ("CAFTA") and the El Salvadoran Investment Law have all accepted their appointments. As a result, the Arbitral Tribunal is therefore deemed under ICSID Arbitration Rule 6 to have been constituted. For additional information about Pac Rim's claims against the Government of El Salvador see Pacific Rim news release #-09-03 dated April 30, 2009 or its 2009 Annual Report.

(the whole article)

El Salvador's gold fight goes international

2009-11-14T16:32:00.001-05:00

After activists block their permit, Canadian company uses US trade agreement to sue Salvadoran gov't

Five representatives of five organizations in El Salvador that form part of the National Coalition Against Mining, known as La Mesa, were in Washington, DC last month to accept the Letelier-Moffitt International Human Rights Award. The recognition comes at an interesting time as the group's successes in blocking mining exploitation in their small country, have brought about a unique legal situation. Namely, a Canadian mining company is suing the government of El Salvador for $100 million, through a U.S. subsidiary under the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). The Real News followed the group of activists around Washington, DC, and interviewed the CEO and President of the company behind the suit, Pacific Rim. Produced by Jesse Freeston.

(see more information at: The Real News Network

!Saludos amig@s de Cuidades Hermanas!

2009-10-29T20:49:00.001-04:00

As some of you know, two lovely, young, fantastic, volunteers from Lawrence, Kansas are staying in their sister community of El Papaturro until the end of March. Our super awesome staff came up with the wonderful idea of sending monthly updates about our experience- y estamos de acuerdo.

We arrived on October 14th after attending the rockin' National Gathering in Chicago (with several others of you on this listserve), and were greeted by three members of the regional CIRPDES branch in Suchitoto- PROGRESO- where we will be working 3 days a week. They whisked us away to the ever-welcoming community of El Papaturro, our home through the winter.

We've had several meetings with the community directiva and the newly formed ecological committee, which we will be working with over the coming months. The ecological group is made up of about 25 youth from the community, and they have already begun several projects, including:
trash clean-up every 15 days
wooden signs hung over the main road with environmental messages
installation of public trash cans throughout the community
planting of trees for additional shade in public spaces
along with other general awareness-raising projects. One of our goals while working with this group is to create a brochure of the work they have accomplished to share with youth in neighboring communtites in hopes that the movemnt will spread. They have also been working with a nearby Permaculture Institute, and we will be helping to start and maintain an organic garden! This group has really shown how to "Think Globally and Act Locally!"

We have quickly become incorporated into daily community activities, and are eager to learn, from washing clothes in our pila, to milking cows, to making tamales from sweet corn masa (elote), to beginning to learn how to sew clothes and make jewelry- we are kept busy and are constantly leanring new skills and new words in Spanish. We hope to be able to make those perfectly even and round torillas like the women here.

We attended a community assembly, where the security of El Papaturro was discussed. In response to rising levels of delinquency throughout the country, the community decided to have volunteers from each family take turns acting as a nightly vigilance crew. The decision was especially timely, as the community's anniversary is November 25th, and the week of celebratory festivites- such as the big dance- attract many outside visitors to participate. (The ecological group plans to hold a pupusa-eating competition to raise money- the minimum goal is 12 pupusas! Yikes!)

We have also begun to accompany PROGRESO members on their trips to communtities and meetings. We will continue to support these activities, and also share computer skills with the directive.

We will update our blog with photos of our activities, at http://jkandssjb.wordpress.com
Please email us with questions or ideas and we'll include them in our next update. Abrazos fuertes a todos y todas, y hasta luego!

-Jennifer (jennifer.kongs@gmail.com) and Sally (sarahsallyjane@gmail.com)

PROGRESO
Sally Birmingham &/or Jennifer Kongs
Calle Principal, Casa #72,
Barrio La Cruz
Suchitoto, Cuscatlan
El Salvador

CLOSING THE DOORS TO EL DORADO

2009-10-27T22:22:00.001-04:00

Byline:MARCELA SANCHEZ
c.2009 Marcela Sanchez
Distributed by The New York Times Syndicate.

In 2002, the Canadian mining company Pacific Rim received preliminary
permits to explore gold-mining possibilities in northern El Salvador.
The company's representatives assured residents of nearby San Isidro
that the El Dorado mine project would create much-needed jobs and
development.

Although Pacific Rim insisted that its cyanide-based extracting
methods were eco-friendly and that its cleaning processes would
render all the water it used potable, community leaders were
skeptical. They had seen firsthand how nearby communities had lost
their water supplies to the mining industry, and they were worried
about what would happen to San Isidro.

(The complete article)

OCTOBER 25 HONDURAS SOLIDARITY UPDATE FROM US-ES SISTER CITIES

2009-10-25T21:30:00.000-04:00

Dear US-ES Sister Cities Friends,

The Michelleti coup regime’s harsh repression against the Honduran popular movement continues. Negotiations between Michelleti’s representatives and those of President Manuel Zelaya have stalled as reports indicate that Michelleti refuses to agree to the return of President Zelaya to office.

Actions:

The heroic people’s resistance movement in Honduras continues to need our support. Here are three actions we can take to help:

1) Pressure US Lobbying firm to stop their PR work on behalf of the coup regime.

Hondurans organizing in the United States against the coup have called for pressure on the Washington, DC lobbying firm of Chlopak, Leonard, Schechter & Associates to cease their public relations work for the Coup Regime. To take action go to: http://www.SOAW.org/clsa. (For Background info on the lobbying firm, go to: http://porlademocracia.org/actividades.html)

2) Contact your congressperson

Several of you responded to our call last week to contact your congresspersons and ask them to sign the letter from Congressmen Serrano and Grijalva to President Obama calling for an end to the coup regime’s human rights violations against the Honduran people. The US continues to send economic aid to the regime and has not withdrawn its ambassador as almost all other countries have. Those who asked their congressperson to take action had some success, so everyone please reach out. Thanks! For more info: http://quixote.org/content/us-representatives-ask-president-obama-denounce-human-rights-abuses-honduras

3) Human Rights Delegation to Honduras
RIGHTS ACTION is organizing a HUMAN RIGHTS DELEGATION TO HONDURAS November 24 – December 1, 2009. The delegation will overlap with November 29th, the date slated for Honduras’ presidential elections. It is highly doubtful that fair elections can be held, let alone whether elections should be held at all on November 29th given the on-going state of militarization and repression by the oligarchic-military regime. For more information: http://rightsaction.org/Delegations&Tours/Honduras_112409.html

Public Education:

The mainstream US press continues to fail miserably in providing accurate coverage of the situation in Honduras. To learn more and to share information with others, please see the following sources:

a) An excellent short piece on who’s who in Honduras by Honduran medical doctor and human rights activist Juan Almendres: http://www.quixote.org/content/honduran-resistance-giant-awakes-new-hope-born

b) To find out more about how the coup is affecting women in particular, see this article by Margaret Knapke in Foreign Policy In Focus.:http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6518

c) Finally, for an easy-to-read, shor, illustrated version of events in Honduras, check out: http://www.alternet.org/images/slideshows/houduras_coup/illustration.php

Ok, thanks to everyone for all your help! Let us know what actions you take and any response you get from the officials you contact. Adelante!

In solidarity, US-El Salvador Sister Cities

--------------

...across the world a thousand and one new forces are emerging...from the bottom
up and the inside out...reviving the battered traditions of tolerance, mutual
assistance and communion with nature.... These movements are mosquitoes on the
attack, stinging a system that repels the hug and compels the shrug...

-Eduardo Galeano, Upside Down

CAFTA strikes again!

2009-10-24T10:57:00.002-04:00

Summary:

The Canadian company Pacific Rim Mining Corp. is angered at the Ministry of Environment in El Salvador for refusing them from drilling for gold.

The Ministry and the people of Cabanas, who have been protesting, are concerned of the threat that the cyanide used to extract the gold would poison the country’s largest river.

What is the company doing to fight back? Thanks to the U.S. Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), which passed in congress by only 2 votes, they are suing El Salvador for $77 million for lost profits.

Along with this egregiously unjust law, the infamous death squads which terrorized the people of El Salvador throughout the 8o’s are back. They are targeting those opposed to CAFTA, including trade unionist, and members of the left political party, the FMLN.

[Posted By shades]

By None Attributed
Republished from CISPES

for more info: original source

Two important pieces of information regarding Honduras

2009-10-19T11:23:00.000-04:00

October 18, 2009

Sister Cities Friends,

Two important pieces of information regarding Honduras
passed on from our friends at Rights Action:

1) News Video:

Please watch and share this excellent short news report
from the Al Jazeera Program "Fault Lines" (Two 11 minute
videos). It provides invaluable background info and
highlights the work of the social movement:

http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/faultlines/2009/10/200910159650241957.html

2) Dear Colleague Letter to have Obama speak out
more forcefully against the coup and its human rights
abuses.

Representatives Grijalva and Serrano are circulating
a Dear Colleague Letter (see below) on Honduras.
Please contact your congressperson and ask
them to sign on! At this point there are only 4 signers!

-------------------
LETTER TO U.S. REPRESENTATIVES
Please forward this letter to your Representative and ask them to sign this letter, calling on Pres. Obama to denounce human rights abuses in Honduras.
Current Signers: Grijalva, Serrano, Stark, D. Davis, Shakowsky
From: Daniel Z. Brito, Legislative Assistant, Congressman Raúl M. Grijalva (gree-HAHL-vah)
1440 Longworth House Office Building, Washington, DC 20515, 202.225.2435, daniel.brito@mail.house.gov\

October 13, 2009
HONDURAS: MICHELETTI DICTATORSHIP CRACKS DOWN ON INDEPENDENT MEDIA - AGAIN
"The new decree is simply aimed at silencing us once and for all." (Channel 36 director Esdras Lopez)

Dear Colleague:

Since the return of Manuel Zelaya, recognized by the Obama Administration as “the democratically elected and constitutional leader of Honduras.,” the de facto regime in that nation has intensified its assault on Hondurans demanding a return to democracy.
Dictator Roberto Micheletti suspended the constitution on September 27 in Executive Decree PCM-M-016-2009 and forces loyal to the regime then attacked and shut down the last independent media in the country, leaving the junta firmly in control of what Hondurans see and hear.
Despite widespread reporting that the Decree has been “rescinded,” the rescission STILL has not been printed in La Gaceta, meaning the Decree is still legally in effect, and de facto, it is still being enforced with brute violence by the coup regime.
Also, the Micheletti dictatorship published on Saturday, October 10, another decree granting themselves the power to shut down independent media. "The new decree is simply aimed at silencing us once and for all," said Channel 36 director Esdras Lopez.
The New York Times last week finally reported on the widespread rights abuses occurring under the Micheletti dictatorship: “Eleven people have been killed since the coup, according to the Committee for Families of the Disappeared and Detainees in Honduras, or Cofadeh.
“[…] The groups describe an atmosphere of growing impunity, one in which security forces act unhindered by legal constraints. Their free hand had been strengthened by an emergency decree allowing the police to detain anyone suspected of posing a threat.
“In the 1980s, there were political assassinations, torture and disappearances,” said Bertha Oliva, Cofadeh’s general coordinator, in an interview last week, recalling the political repression of the country’s so-called dirty war. “They were selective and hidden. But now there is massive repression and defiance of the whole world. They do it in broad daylight, without any scruples, with nothing to stop them.”
Please join me in writing to President Obama to ask that his administration finally and firmly denounce these human rights abuses and join the consensus in the Americas regarding the scheduled elections.
To sign this letter, please contact Daniel Brito via email or at x. 5.2435.
Sincerely,
Raúl M. Grijalva, Member of Congress
Jose E. Serrano, Member of Congress
* * *
President Barack Obama
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20502
Dear President Obama,
We are writing to you regarding an urgent situation where lives are at stake and action on your part may prevent further tragedy.
Since the return to Honduras of President Manuel Zelaya, the de facto regime has taken further repressive measures, in addition to the previous violations of basic rights and civil liberties which have been recognized and denounced by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and all of the key Honduran human rights NGOs, among others.
According to reports from the media and rights organizations, the coup regime violently dispersed a gathering of Hondurans in front of the Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa with tear gas, clubs and rubber bullets, resulting in numerous casualties, including several reported fatalities.
While the siege of the Embassy is a serious violation of the Vienna Convention, more disturbing is the broad assault against the Honduran people unleashed by the coup regime.
On September 22, the Americas director at Human Rights Watch, Jose Miguel Vivanco, stated that “given the reports we have received, and the poor track record of the security forces since the coup, we fear that conditions could deteriorate drastically in the coming days.” That same day, the Americas Director for the London-based rights organization Amnesty International, Susan Lee, has stated that “the attacks against human rights defenders, suspension of news outlets, beating of demonstrators by the police and ever increasing reports of mass arrests indicate that human rights and the rule of law in Honduras are at grave risk.”
The international community has also spoken out regarding the worsening human rights situation in Honduras. On September 22nd, Mexico released a statement in the name of 23-member Rio Group demanding that the de facto government stop carrying out “acts of repression and violation of human rights of all Hondurans.” The following day, the Presidency of the European Union seconded the Rio Group statement.
Mr. President, we were glad to hear State Department spokesman Ian Kelly on September 22 reaffirm the position of the Administration that Manuel Zelaya is the “democratically elected and constitutional leader of Honduras.” But unfortunately, the mixed messages that have characterized the Administration’s response persist.
The head of the US delegation to the Organization of American States Lewis Amselem represented our nation in that body by saying “Zelaya’s return to Honduras is irresponsible and foolish and it doesn’t serve to the interest of the people nor those who seek the restoration of democratic order in Honduras […] Everything will be better if all parties refrain from provoking and inciting violence.”
Not content to place equal blame on both the victims of the violence and the perpetrators, he then chose to personally insult Mr. Zelaya, saying “The president should stop acting as though he were starring in an old Woody Allen movie.” State Department spokespersons have declined numerous opportunities to distance your administration from Amselem’s words.
We note that, unlike the coup leaders, President Zelaya has indicated his openness to dialogue and has accepted the San Jose agreement that emerged from the US-backed mediation process led by President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica.
The suspension of rights announced by the junta on September 27 in Executive Decree PCM-M-016-2009 is still being enforced, according to numerous reports, with independent media outlets like Radio Globo and Canal 36 already having been raided and had their equipment stolen.
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has declared that “the suspension is a violation of international law, as it was adopted to sustain the illegitimate government that arose from the rupture of the democratic institutional order, which took place on June 28, 2009.” The IACHR also expressed “deep concern over this decree, whose provisions arbitrarily restrict fundamental human rights and contain vague regulations that grant absolute discretion to the authorities, especially the Army and the Police forces.”
Though we commend the administration for having strongly stated their support for the restoration of democracy in Honduras, we are concerned that neither you nor the Secretary of State has denounced these serious human rights abuses in a country where US influence could be decisive.
It is now more urgent than ever to break this silence. It is critical that your Administration immediately clearly and unequivocally reject and denounce the repression by this illegitimate regime. We can say sincerely and without hyperbole that this action on your part will save lives.
Furthermore, the vast majority of our neighbors in the region, including Brazil and Mexico, have clearly indicated that they will not recognize the results of elections held under the coup regime.
On September 29, Costa Rican President and US-appointed mediator Oscar Arias noted the regime’s continued rejection of the San Jose accords, and warned that Honduran elections cannot be recognized by the international community without a restoration of constitutional order. Arias said, "the cost of failure of leaving a coup d'etat unpunished is setting up a bad precedent for the region. […] You could have remembrances of a bad Latin American past, insisting on elections under these circumstances and overlooking items in the San Jose Accord.”
It is time for the administration to join this growing hemispheric and international consensus and unambiguously state that elections organized by an undemocratic government that has denied critics of the regime the right to free speech, assembly, and movement, cannot and will not be considered free and fair by our government.
We feel it is imperative that the administration step up its efforts to bring about a prompt restoration of democracy in Honduras, together with other regional leaders.
We eagerly await your reply.

* * *

Honduran update: negotiations at key point

2009-10-14T14:15:00.001-04:00

frin Sister Cities (http://www.elsalvadorsolidarity.org)

Negotiations between the coup government and President
Zelaya's delegation have advanced on "90 %" of
the issues with the main pending point being the
return of the President Zelaya to power. (source: Telesur)

It's important to note that the representative of the
civil society organizations in resistance who was part
of President Zelaya's negotiating delegation, stepped
down from his place at the table because of a negotiated
agreement between the coup government and Zelaya's
team to NOT hold a Constitutional Assembly.

Still, the Frente's representative Juan Barahona said that the fact that Zelya signs
the agreement not to reform the Constitution will not cause the Frente to withdraw
its support for President Zelaya.

"We do not agree with the decision about the constitutional assembly, but the Resistance Front will continue.... Even if Zelaya returns to office, we will not renounce our fight for the constitutional assembly."

("No estamos de acuerdo, pero vamos a respetar la decisión de la renuncia (de Zelaya) a la constituyente, pero el frente de resistencia continuará (...) aún si Zelaya vuelve al poder no vamos a renunciar a la constituyente", aseveró el líder social)

If you speak Spanish, one of the best sources for updated
news on the situation is Telesur: http://telesurtv.net/

Reporting for DN! from inside the Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa

2009-09-29T14:35:00.001-04:00

Democracy Now! will have a segment on Honduras on Tuesday morning with Dr. Luther Castillo who is part of the Frente contra el golpe, and myself who will report from inside the Brazillian embassy, where I have been since Monday, Sep. 21.

Please tune in ... and spread the word...www.democracynow.org.

Also, for Spanish speakers/readers... we have an entire page dedicated to the crisis in Honduras:
http://i1.democracynow.org/es/paginas/golpe_honduras

Amy Goodman's last column deals with Honduras:
http://www.democracynow.org/blog/2009/9/23/president_zelaya_and_the_audacity_of_action

If you know of press who want commentary from inside the embassy, please point them in my direction.

I have been swamped with dozens of interviews, and it's not always easy to get through, but keep trying.
Have been meaning to blog from inside the embassy, and hope to send out that info tomorrow.

BLOG ENTRY: A few hours ago, the CNN in English crew was really upset.. It took them 4 days to get the ok for an interview from the Micheletti regime, and then they arrive unannounced to the gates of the embassy. Mel could not speak with them at that hour of the evening, and they went away miffed. If they come back tomorrow, Mel will give the interview... but they said they would not come back. I wonder if they would expect President Obama to give them an interview if they arrived unannounced to the steps of the White House.

gracias,

andrés

Andrés Thomas Conteris
Democracy Now! en español
andres@democracynow.org
www.democracynow.org/es

Nonviolence International
Program on the Americas
andres@desmilitarizacion.net

Tel. 212-431-9090 ext 827
Cel in the U.S. 202-232-1999
Cel in Honduras 011-504-9777-8514
SKYPE: aconteris

Pacific Rim is seeking in excess of the US$77 million

2009-09-29T11:07:00.001-04:00

By Fernando Cabrera Diaz
2 September 2009

El Salvador’s ruling FMLN party is considering a ban on precious metal mining in response to public opposition to perceived environmental degradation. The government of El Salvador has not issued mining permits for two years, and as a result is now facing two arbitration claims before the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID).

In August ICSID registered a claim by Commerce Group Corp., a company based in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and its affiliate San Sebastian Gold Mines. The Claimants contend that El Salvador revoked its mining permits without justification, and in violation of the Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR).

A similar claim by the Vancouver-based Pacific Rim was registered by ICSID in June. Pacific Rim claims that Ecuador violated CAFTA-DR by refusing to grant exploitation concessions and environmental permits after it had met the necessary requirements.

Pacific Rim is seeking in excess of the US$77 million it claims to have invested in El Salvador since 2002, mostly in its El Dorado Gold Mine project located in the north-central department of Cabañas. In a press release, the company charges: “Despite strong local support and the inclusion of carefully engineered and reliable environmental protections for the proposed El Dorado Mine, the Government has not met its responsibility to issue the Enterprises the permits necessary to advance the project to the final step of full production.”
(click for the rest of the story)

URGENT ACTION: PROTESTERS ATTACKED

2009-09-22T10:04:00.000-04:00

URGENT ACTION: PROTESTERS ATTACKED

UPDATE: The protestors camped out in front of the Brazilian Embassy were violently attacked and removed from the Embassy with live rounds of ammunition and tear gas. There are at least 4 people wounded. President Zelaya was in the middle of an interview with Radio Globo early this morning from inside the Brazilian Embassy, struggling to talk through the tear gas, when the Radio Globo signal was once again cut.

The curfew started yesterday at 4pm has been extended until 6pm today.

Call to Action from the Quixote Center Delegation, 21 September 2009

U.S. citizens should contact the U.S. State Department and their Congressional Representatives to demand that the U.S. government:
pressure the de facto government of Honduras to refrain from using violence against nonviolent protestors
pressure the de facto regime to cease its repression of the freedom of expression and information in Honduras
unequivocally support the return to power of elected President Manuel Zelaya

President Manuel Zelaya returned today to Honduras, where he is camping out in the Brazilian embassy along with members of his cabinet. As thousands of people gathered in front of the embassy to welcome Zelaya back, the president of the coup government, Roberto Micheletti, threatened to cancel the embassy’s immunity if Zelaya were not handed over to the de facto government.

The power at the Brazilian embassy as well as at anti-coup media stations was cut, and the de facto government instated a curfew from 4pm this afternoon to 7am tomorrow. Nevertheless, people have remained in the streets around the Brazilian embassy, planning to stay throughout the night to demonstrate support for Manuel Zelaya’s return to power, and to protect him. Police and military units are on the streets to enforce the curfew, which has been extended to 6pm tomorrow.

The situation is extremely tense. People who remain in the streets during the night expect repression from police and military forces, which have blocked the entrance of people coming into Tegucigalpa from other parts of the country. National Resistance Front Against the Coup has sent out a call for a national strike tomorrow, and for people to come from all parts of the country to the capital to continue the show of popular support for the return of the democratically elected president.

The Honduran police and military have committed grave human rights violations under this coup regime, often during instated curfews. Again, we are asking U.S. Citizens to contact the State Department and Congressional Representatives to demand that the Honduran coup government refrain from further violations over the coming days.

Extremely Urgent: Support Zelaya and Honduras Now!!!

2009-09-22T09:53:00.000-04:00

Democratically-elected President Manuel Zelaya of Honduras has returned to Tegucigalpa, the Honduran capitol, some 85 days after being thrown out of the country in a military coup.

It is not clear whether Zelaya had the permission of the Honduran military to return to Honduras, but early indications are that perhaps he did not. If this is the case, his life may be in danger, and the situation in Honduras could be very volatile, and could turn very violent at any time.

It is extremely important that Zelaya receive as much support as possible at this critical time. This is important not just for his life and the future of Honduras, but for the future of democracy throughout Latin America.

Please call First District Representative Chellie Pingree, Second District Representative Mike Michaud, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and President Barack Obama and urge them to issue strong statements of support for Honduran President Zelaya as soon as possible. You will find the appropriate phone numbers below.

Thank you very much for your support of democracy and human rights in Honduras and throughout Latin America! Please distribute this message far and wide!

Lawrence Reichard
Bangor, Maine
lreichard@gmail.com

Chellie Pingree
Pingree: 202-225-6116

Mike Michaud
Michaud: 202-225-6306
942-6935

Hillary Clinton
(State Department Switchboard)
202-647-4000

White House Comment Line
(202) 456-1111

September 15 - Central American Independence Day; Neocolonialism Meets Resistance in Hondura

2009-09-20T20:17:00.002-04:00

Friday 18 September 2009

by: Tom Loudon, t r u t h o u t | News Analysis

Since the coup that deposed the president of Honduras, a resistance movement has continued to grow. (Photo: YamilGonzales / flickr)

On the 80th day of the coup, both the de facto government and the resistance movement against the coup held marches to celebrate the anniversary of Central America's independence from Spain. At a military parade, de facto President Roberto Micheletti defiantly insisted that it would take a military intervention to remove him. Meanwhile, thousands of coup resisters, with elected President Manuel Zelaya's wife at the head, marched through the central park of Tegucigalpa, where last month police and military attacked peaceful protesters and passers-by. The massive resistance movement in Honduras continues to grow, denouncing the violent coup as an illegal takeover on the part of neocolonial economic and military interests.

(For the Whole Story)

Pacific Rim Responds to report about Marcelo Rivera's murder

2009-09-08T13:40:00.002-04:00

(received from US.-E.S. Sister Cities)

Pacific Rim response to report “Gold, impunity, violence in El Salvador”
20 August 2009

On 13 August 2009, Real News Network posted a video report that raised concerns about violence against anti-mining activists and pollution from gold mining in El Salvador, specifically referring to Pacific Rim Mining. The report is available at http://therealnews.com/t/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=411.

The Business & Human Rights Resource Centre invited Pacific Rim to respond; the company sent the following response:

“Thank you for the opportunity to respond.

Pacific Rim is saddened and outraged by the horrible death of Marcelo Rivera.

The community of San Isidro has lost a leader and a teacher. We have always respected the rights of Marcelo and all others to participate in the mining debate, which he did in a non-violent manner, and ask others to follow his lead.

Let us be very clear, the company has no knowledge of the crime, other than information published in the local media. We know of no connection of the murder to anti-mining activities in this crime but welcome any and all investigations. By law, Salvadoran police reports are closed for six months.

We encourage anyone having knowledge of the crime to step forward. Like everyone in the community, we rely upon and welcome the institutions of El Salvador to investigate and solve this crime and bring those responsible for Marcelo’s unnecessary death to justice. The police have four suspects in custody.

We are appalled that certain people, groups and media outlets have irresponsibly accused Pacific Rim of involvement in this terrible crime.

Unfortunately, as a result of these unfounded accusations against the company, tensions have mounted and violent threats have been made against our Salvadoran employees, a respected member of society who serves on our Advisory Board, our attorney in Washington D.C. and management of the company in the United States. These accusations against the Company are a calculated attempt to taint Pacific Rim and disrupt the resolution of our CAFTA dispute.

We are encouraged by statements from government officials of El Salvador that they will resolve our investment dispute and we depend upon the legal processes in place for settling the dispute. We rely on the government of El Salvador to insure the rule of law is observed by all parties, including the protection of opposition activists, as well as our employees and property.

There is no place in the mining debate for threats upon people’s lives and safety. We reach out to all involved in the debate to return to discussing the issue calmly, using science and logic, and to keep emotions in check. We ask all parties involved in the mining debate to refrain from violence, threats of violence and attempts to incite violence. We always encourage an open and healthy debate founded upon honest scientific fact and economic and social reality. We remain committed to achieving a peaceful resolution that will benefit the people of Cabañas and all Salvadorans.

CORRECTIONS AND/OR COMMENTS

As to the video you provide in your email, linked as follows, http://therealnews.com/t/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=4118&updaterx=2009-08-13+02:14:31, we offer the following comments and corrections to information and misinformation as reported in the video.

Pacific Rim has held, and continues to hold numerous public consultations.

These consultations were key to the environmental design of the proposed mine and are fully documented in our Environmental Impact Study, that according to the Salvadoran environmental agency, MARN, was the most thorough they had ever seen at the time we submitted it.

The comparison of our mine design to the Honduran operations is incorrect.

The video shows an open pit mine, a surface mine. Our proposed El Dorado mine design is an underground mine with minimal surface disturbance. The video shows clips of people with skin disorders in the vicinity of one of the Honduran operations which opposition groups continually report to be related to the mine itself. The skin rashes were independently investigated by health institutions. A copy of their report is attached.

The statement that we received "very friendly treatment" from the administration of former President Tony Saca is incorrect and illogical. If we received such treatment, why then were we forced to file an investment dispute through international arbitration during the former President's term? Our claim is based upon our illegal treatment by the government of El Salvador under the leadership of former President Saca with respect to Salvadoran law and international treaty. This hardly qualifies as "friendly treatment".

There is no basis to the statement that Ana Vilma de Escobar, the former Vice President during the Saca administration, and/or her family, are significant shareholders of Pacific Rim. We have no knowledge that they own any shares in the Company. Why would she or her family make such an investment when the administration was failing to approve our permit application?

Pacific Rim supported the attempted Salvadoran congressional changes to the mining law, which would have strengthened the laws for environmental protection and increased the royalty. This law was debated in special committee and effectively died in committee through the actions of former President Saca.

With regard to the alleged lack of democratic process, mayoral elections and congressional elections were held earlier this year.

Democracy was convincingly demonstrated in these elections in Cabañas.

Mining was a major issue in the Cabañas elections and the people overwhelmingly voted for candidates that favored the proposed project and rejected those candidates who were opposed. Pacific Rim has never contributed to any campaign of any electoral candidate from any party anywhere in El Salvador or anywhere else. The majority of the people of El Salvador and especially the people of Cabañas support the project and mining in general.

The statements regarding contamination from heavy metals such as "arsenic and lead" have no basis in scientific fact. The most common rock type exposed on the surface of El Salvador has three times more arsenic and about the same levels of lead as the veins that contain the gold. There is no potential for acid mine drainage in this type of gold deposit, geologically known as low-sulfidation epithermal. This is the only type of deposit for which we explore for exactly that reason. One of our main company goals is to raise the bar for environmental protection. Further, the waters draining from the historical workings are alkaline, not acidic. We refer you to our web page (in Spanish) which provides technical, scientific and economic information about our project: http://www.pacificrim.com.sv .

Protecting and improving local water supplies is a major objective in our proposed mine design. This mine would be the single most progressive mine ever built in the Americas when considering environmental protections. In our numerous community consultations, it was obvious water was the issue of greatest concern to the people of the area who survive largely on subsistence farming and remittances from family members in the US. While there is a lack of potable water and infrastructure for collecting water in El Salvador, there is no lack of water. El Salvador is sub-tropical and receives abundant rainfall during the rainy season. Our mine design includes the construction of a reservoir for water collection during the rainy season for storage and use during the dry season. There are no production wells in the design and the operation will actually improve the flow and availability of water during the dry season when it is most needed.

Surface waters on site have been contaminated with bacteria, detergents, insecticides, herbicides and fertilizers as a result of heavy surface water use by local inhabitants and the lack of adequate water treatment facilities. Our mine design includes a water treatment plant.

Any waters flowing out of the proposed mine will be cleaner than the waters flowing into the collection reservoir.

It is true that our exploration drilling temporarily disrupted the flow of a local spring. Our technical staff determined the cause and provided a temporary water supply until the problem was corrected. Today, the spring continues to flow as it has for over a hundred years.

Finally, Oscar Menjivar does not, and has never worked in any capacity for Pacific Rim.

Respectfully,
Tom Shrake
President & CEO
Pacific Rim Mining Corp.
Reno, NV USA”

Anti-Mining Protest in front of the Pacific Rim Headquaters

2009-09-08T13:36:00.001-04:00

For your information, the FMLN committees of
Vancouver and Victoria are planning an
anti-mining protest in front of the Pacific Rim
Headquaters (595 Burrard St.) in Vancouver this
coming Monday September 14th, from 11:30-12:30.
If you have any contacts that would benefit from
this information please feel free to pass it on.
The more people present the better. Our goal is
to send a strong message to Pacific Rim that
there are people here in Canada that are aware
of their actions in El Salvador. We will also be
passing out information pamphlets in order to
increase education and awareness regarding this
important issue.

from
Jamie Kneen
Communications & Outreach Coordinator
MiningWatch Canada
http://www.miningwatch.ca

US halts aid over Honduras coup

2009-09-03T18:29:00.002-04:00

The US has halted all non-humanitarian aid to Honduras in the wake of the coup there in June.

The department of state said it needed to take strong action given the failure of the replacement regime "to restore democratic, constitutional rule".

Meanwhile, Brazil has suspended visa-free travel for all Hondurans in response to the coup.

Click to go to full story

El Salvador's Gold Fight

2009-07-16T17:40:00.002-04:00

Michael Busch | July 16, 2009

Editor: Emily Schwartz Greco

Foreign Policy In Focus

As El Salvador transitions from decades of conservative rule to the administration of leftist President Mauricio Funes, the country faces an international showdown triggered by a restrictive free-trade agreement between the United States and Central America. Canada's Pacific Rim Mining Corporation is suing the government for its refusal to allow it to mine gold in El Salvador's rural north. If Pacific Rim succeeds in securing the $100 million settlement it seeks, that would set a troubling precedent. At stake is a question that affects all nations: Can private interests trump national sovereignty under international law?

click for entire article

Owner-state model would benefit Sudan (& other places?)

2009-05-31T18:33:00.002-04:00

Anchorage Daily News

by WALLY HICKEL (former Interior Secretary for Nixon)
COMMENT

(05/30/09 19:02:51)

For 16 years, my son Jack worked in southern Africa as a medical missionary, mostly in Swaziland. When his mother and I visited, we discovered that, in spite of the dramatically different climate, Jack was facing challenges in rural Africa that were similar to those in rural Alaska.

Since 1997 Jack has been back in Alaska earning funds to help his children get through college. He works at the Alaska Native Medical Center, but he has never lost his commitment to Africa.

More than a year ago, he visited southern Sudan to help Dr. Jill Seaman, a Bethel physician who works for much of the year in the remote village of Old Fangak, located in the largest swamp in the world, east of the Nile River.

(link to complete article)

Fingerprinting Plan Will Dramatically Increase Deportations

2009-05-22T16:35:00.001-04:00

'Secure Communities' Would Ensnare Minor as well as Serious Offenders

By Daphne Eviatar 5/22/09 6:00 AM

The idea of deporting illegal immigrants who are also hardened criminals wouldn’t seem like a controversial idea. So when David Venturella, Executive Director of the Secure Communities Program at Immigration and Customs Enforcement testified to Congress in April, he proudly announced the expansion of his program as part of a “comprehensive effort to increase national security and community safety by identifying, processing, and removing deportable criminal aliens.”

(click for entire article at source)

Obama on Immigration Reform

2009-05-08T22:50:00.000-04:00

from the "100th Day Press Conference"

QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, when you met with the Hispanic Caucus a few weeks ago, reports came out that the White House was planning to have a forum to talk about immigration and bring it to the forefront.

Going forward, my question is, what is your strategy to try to have immigration reform? And are you still on the same timetable to have it accomplished in the first year of your presidency?

And, also, I'd like to know if you're going to reach out to Senator John McCain , who is Republican and in the past has favored immigration reform?

OBAMA: Well, we reach out to -- to Senator McCain on a whole host of issues. He has been a leader on immigration reform. I think he has had the right position on immigration reform. And I would love to partner with him and others on what is going to be a critical issue. We've also worked with Senator McCain on what I think is a terrific piece of legislation that he and Carl Levin have put together around procurement reform. We want that moved, and we're going to be working hard with them to get that accomplished.

What I told the Congressional Hispanic Caucus is exactly what I said the very next day in a town hall meeting and what I will continue to say publicly, and that is we want to move this process.

We can't continue with a broken immigration system. It's not good for anybody. It's not good for American workers. It's dangerous for Mexican would-be workers who are trying to cross a dangerous border.

OBAMA: It is -- it is putting a strain on border communities, who oftentimes have to deal with a host of undocumented workers. And it keeps those undocumented workers in the shadows, which means they can be exploited at the same time as they're depressing U.S. wages.

So, what I hope to happen is that we're able to convene a working group, working with key legislators like Luis Gutierrez and Nydia Velazquez and others to start looking at a framework of how this legislation might be shaped.

In the meantime, what we're trying to do is take some core -- some key administrative steps to move the process along to lay the groundwork for legislation. Because the American people need some confidence that if we actually put a package together, we can execute.

So Janet Napolitano , who has great knowledge of this because of having been a border governor, she's already in the process of reviewing and figuring out how can we strengthen our border security in a much more significant way than we're doing.

If the American people don't feel like you can secure the borders, then it's hard to strike a deal that would get people out of the shadows and on a pathway to citizenship who are already here, because the attitude of the average American is going to be, well, you're just going to have hundreds of thousands of more coming in each year.

On the other hand, showing that there is a more thoughtful approach than just raids of a handful of workers as opposed to, for example, taking seriously the violation of companies that sometimes are actively recruiting these workers to come in. That's again something we can start doing administratively.

So what we want to do is to show that we are competent and getting results around immigration, even on the structures that we already have in place, the laws that we already have in place, so that we're building confidence among the American people that we can actually follow through on whatever legislative approach emerges. OK?

New York Times Editorial

2009-05-03T21:49:00.001-04:00

May 3, 2009

Editorial

A Shift on Immigration

Last week, immigration enforcement policy shifted a little. The administration issued guidelines for Immigration and Customs Enforcement that place a new emphasis on prosecuting employers who knowingly hire illegal immigrants.

That is a good idea, and a break from the Bush administration method — mass raids to net immigrant workers while leaving their bosses alone. The raids were tuned to the theatrics of the poisoned immigration debate, using heavy weapons, dogs and helicopters to spread the illusion that something was getting fixed.

But as policy, they were worse than useless. They netted about 6,000 undocumented immigrants, out of 12 million, and 135 employers or supervisors. They destroyed families, tearing parents and grandparents from children, many of them citizens. The fear they caused went viral in immigrant communities, driving workers further into the arms of abusive employers while bringing us no closer to a working immigration system.
(Link to complete Editorial)

Rights, Not Raids

2009-05-03T21:43:00.001-04:00

Comment

By Bill Ong Hing & David Bacon

This article appeared in the May 18, 2009 edition of The Nation.

April 29, 2009

When the Obama administration reiterated recently that it will make an immigration reform proposal this year, hopes rose among millions of immigrant families for the "change we can believe in." That was followed by a new immigration position embraced by both the AFL-CIO and the Change to Win unions, rejecting the expansion of guest worker programs, which some unions had supported.

As it prepares a reform package, the administration should look seriously at why the deals created over the past several years failed, and consider alternatives. Beltway groups are again proposing employment visas for future (post-recession, presumably) labor shortages and continued imprisonment of the undocumented in detention centers, which they deem "necessary in some cases." Most disturbing, after years of the Bush raids, is the continued emphasis on enforcement against workers.

We need a reality check.

For more than two decades it has been a crime for an undocumented worker to hold a job in the United States. To enforce the prohibition, agents conduct immigration raids, of the kind we saw at meatpacking plants in the past few years.

(link to complete article)

How “The NAFTA Flu” Exploded

2009-04-30T21:03:00.002-04:00

Smithfield Farms Fled US Environmental Laws to Open a Gigantic Pig Farm in Mexico, and All We Got Was this Lousy Swine Flu

By Al Giordano
Special to The Narco News Bulletin

April 29, 2009

US and Mexico authorities claim that neither knew about the “swine flu” outbreak until April 24. But after hundreds of residents of a town in Veracruz, Mexico, came down with its symptoms, the story had already hit the Mexican national press by April 5. The daily La Jornada reported:

Clouds of flies emanate from the rusty lagoons where the Carroll Ranches business tosses the fecal wastes of its pig farms, and the open-air contamination is already generating an epidemic of respiratory infections in the town of La Gloria, in the Perote Valley, according to Town Administrator Bertha Crisóstomo López.

The town has 3,000 inhabitants, hundreds of whom reported severe flu symptoms in March.

(link to full article)

Pacific Rim Subsidiary Commences CAFTA Arbitration Proceedings Against the Government of El Salvador

2009-04-30T16:10:00.002-04:00

(Pac Rim press release)

VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA -- 04/30/09 -- Pac Rim Cayman LLC ("Pac Rim" or the "Company"), a Nevada corporation and a wholly-owned subsidiary of Pacific Rim Mining Corp. (TSX: PMU)(NYSE Alternext US: PMU)(NYSE Amex: PMU.A) ("Pacific Rim") has today filed international arbitration proceedings against the Government of El Salvador (the "Government") under the Central America-Dominican Republic-United States of America Free Trade Agreement ("CAFTA") in its own name and on behalf of its two wholly-owned El Salvadoran enterprises, Pacific Rim El Salvador, Sociedad Anonima de Capital Variable ("PRES") and Dorado Exploraciones, Sociedad Anonima de Capital Variable ("DOREX") (collectively, the "Enterprises"). The Company has retained the Washington, DC-based international law firm of Crowell & Moring, LLP to represent it in the arbitration. The Company will be seeking award of damages in the hundreds of millions of dollars from the Government for its multiple breaches of international and Salvadoran law.
(link to the complete press release)

Pacific Rim mining suing El Salvador

2009-04-27T18:44:00.001-04:00

Mining company seeks arbitration over 4-year delay in El Salvador

By BLAKE SCHMIDT

Special to The Miami Herald

SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador -- Canadian mining company Pacific Rim will take the Salvadoran government to international arbitration court for alleged losses caused by government ''inaction'' due to permit delays for what would be El Salvador's biggest mine to date.

The company has been waiting for four years for final permits for the underground gold mine, which faces staunch opposition from Salvadoran environmentalists and church leaders as the first large-scale mine in 70 years in Central America's smallest country.

The case is among the first international investment disputes under the Central American Free-Trade Agreement, or CAFTA, which eliminated barriers to trade and laid ground rules for such disputes. The Vancouver-based company invested $77 in exploration after it received initial permits in 2005.

(Link for the rest of the story)

The Growing Latin American Influence: Opportunities for Maine's Economy

2009-04-24T15:38:00.002-04:00

Thursday April 23rd, 2009
Maine Center for Economic Policy

Nearly 16,000 Hispanics live in Maine. From 2000 to 2007, Maine's Hispanic population grew by 67% compared to 3.3% growth for the total population. This report documents the contributions of Maine's growing Latino population focusing on first and second generation Latinos. Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative research, we follow the demographic trends, economic contributions and varied experiences associated with the state's growing Hispanic population.
(view full publication)

An Answer to the Global Food Crisis: Peasants and small farmers can feed the world!

2009-04-22T11:40:00.002-04:00

(this is a little dated but still good!!!)
(Click here for the original and to get whole article)
Thursday, 01 May 2008

Prices on the world market for cereals are rising. Wheat prices increased by 130% in the period between March 2007- March 2008. Rice prices increased by almost 80% in the period up to 2008. Maize prices increased by 35% between March 2007 and March 2008 (1). In countries that depend heavily on food imports some prices have gone up dramatically. Poor families see their food bills go up and can no longer afford to buy the minimum needed. In many countries cereal prices have doubled or tripled over the last year. Governments in these countries are under high pressure to make food available at reasonable prices. In Haiti the government already fell because of this issue and strong protests have taken place in other countries such as Cameroun, Egypt, and the Philippines…

The current crisis: a result of agricultural liberalization
Some analyst have been exclusively blaming agrofuels, the increasing world demand and global warming for the current food crisis. But actually, this crisis is also the result of many years of destructive policies that have undermined domestic food production. Trade liberalization has waged a virtual war against small producers. Farmers have been forced to produce cash crops for transnational corporations (TNCs) and buy their food on the world market.

Over the last 20-30 years the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and more recently the WTO have forced countries to decrease investment in food production and to reduce support for peasant and small farmers. However, small farmers are the key food producers in the world.

Major international donors have also shown a lack of interest in food production. Development cooperation from industrialized countries to developing countries went up from 20 billion USD in 1980 to 100 billion USD in 2007. However, support for agriculture went down from 17 billion dollar to 3 billion USD during the same time. And most of these funds probably did not go to peasant-based food production. (Click to get whole article)

" This 'Year Zero' mindset"

2009-04-20T09:36:00.002-04:00

from Jesse Freeston of The Real News Network

Hello from Washington, DC.

Not going to take up much of your time, but here is my video report from El Salvador in response to Barack Obama´s announcement at the past weekend´s "Summit of the Americas(minus Cuba)" that: "I didn´t come here to debate the past, I came here to deal with the future." This 'Year Zero' mindset may charm North Americans, but as I hope the video demonstrates, in El Salvador, the past in many ways IS the present, and any attempt to move forward without attempting to understand it is futile. So many people are still dealing with the same problems (state violence and poverty, mostly) that they were then, with the same root causes. The piece also takes on the idea that the arrival of leftist governments in Latin America is the result of an international movement, or ´Pink Tide´ as the papers call it. This approach often leaves out the historical experience of each one of these countries, which most people I spoke to (many of which were included in the video) believe is the only explanation for why the left has come to power.

Hope that you like it. It´ll be on the front page (www.therealnews.com) for a few days, after that it will be at: http://therealnews.com/t/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=3587&updaterx=2009-04-20+07%3A53%3A24

Jesse.

Unions Agree on Path for Immigration Reform

2009-04-15T22:09:00.001-04:00

Wednesday 15 April 2009

by: Anna Gorman | Visit article original @ The Los Angeles Times

A worker at a car wash in West Los Angeles. An investigation found that many hand car washes in Southern California violate basic labor and immigration laws. (Photo: Barbara Davidson / The Los Angeles Times)

The AFL-CIO and the Change to Win federation support the legalization of the nation's 12 million undocumented immigrants and the creation of a panel to analyze the labor market's needs.

The nation's top two labor federations announced a framework Tuesday for comprehensive immigration reform, setting aside differences with the hope of pushing legislation through this year.

The agreement, supported by the AFL-CIO and the Change to Win federation, supports the legalization of the nation's 12 million undocumented immigrants and the formation of an independent commission to analyze the labor market's needs and assess shortages for the admission of future foreign workers. The unions oppose any new guest worker programs that would allow employers to bring foreigners in on a temporary basis.

(Link to the rest of the article)

FMLN Victory – A Glimmer of Hope for a Heavily Handicapped Salvadoran Future: COHA Monitor Observes Election

2009-04-15T11:33:00.002-04:00

(from the Council On Hemispheric Affairs - written by Kira Vinke. Kira participated in the Sister Cities elections observation delegation in March.)

Mauricio Funes’ victory in the Salvadoran presidential election on March 15 marked what could be an important alteration in the country’s politics. After two decades of often fierce right-wing rule, the former guerrillas of the leftist Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) defeated the incumbent Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (ARENA) with a respectable 51.3 percent majority of the vote. On June 1, Funes and his Vice President, Salvador Sanchez Ceren, will take over a country in a disastrous economic situation which is still haunted by its more than decade-old civil war and the years of failed governmental policies that followed it.

The Nature of the Victory
As of now, Funes is not the president. In fact, he is playing his cards very carefully as the president-elect, projecting an image at the present time as being cool on Hugo Chávez and warm on Obama. The niceties of Salvadoran internal politics may require this, but not necessarily the values of the average FMLN militant. Here is where the question remains: will the average rank-and-file FMLN voter be content with a ‘lite’ version of a president in the mould of Funes, or will they increasingly turn to the party’s vice President-elect Sanchez Ceren, as representing the true ethos of the party and incoming government?

During its 20 years in government, ARENA aspired and succeeded in being Washington’s best friend in Central America, adopting its neo-liberal economic plans and ultimately following it blindly into economic crisis. The new country consequently has not prospered and faces a growth rate of only one or two percent this year. Remittances from the U.S., which long have been the lifeline of the Salvadoran economy, are also at risk, since many Salvadoran immigrants in the U.S. face losing their jobs and some already are heading home. ARENA’s violence-streaked legacy will pose a challenge to the new administration, which will have to be aware of the opposition’s attempts to pass on the blame for El Salvador’s neo-liberal soaked predicaments to FMLN officials, who, of course, have not had time as of yet to be guilty. Most of these have in fact been passed on by a long series of heavy-handed right-wing orthodox ideologues.
(click to continue)

Obama to Begin Immigration Reform in 2009

2009-04-09T15:45:00.003-04:00

Thursday 09 April 2009

by: Agence France-Presse
view source material:
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hczQRcOvvhxPwpCiknnxO9bs0yng

photo
Illegal immigrants from Guatemala during deportation from the United States. (Photo: AFP)

New York - President Barack Obama aims to draft legislation this year allowing illegal immigrants to become legal citizens as part of a major overhaul of the US immigration system, the New York Times said Thursday.

"While acknowledging that the recession makes the political battle more difficult, President Obama plans to begin addressing the country's immigration system this year, including looking for a path for illegal immigrants to become legal," the Times reported, citing a senior administration official.

Obama will portray the effort as "policy reform that controls immigration and makes it an orderly system," said Cecilia Munoz, deputy assistant to the president and director of intergovernmental affairs in the White House.

"He intends to start the debate this year," Munoz told the Times.

As a US senator from Illinois, Obama in 2007 voted in favor of immigration reform and made it one of his top campaign issues, winning the key support of 66 percent of some 10 million registered Hispanic voters on election day.

A majority of new US immigrants are Hispanics from neighboring Mexico and also from across Central and South America.

Obama "plans to speak publicly about the issue in May... and over the summer he will convene working groups, including lawmakers from both parties and a range of immigration groups, to begin discussing possible legislation for as early as this fall," the New York Times report said.

The report cited US officials as saying "the Obama administration favors legislation that would bring illegal immigrants into the legal system by recognizing that they violated the law, and imposing fines and other penalties to fit the offense.

"The legislation would seek to prevent future illegal immigration by strengthening border enforcement and cracking down on employers who hire illegal immigrants, while creating a national system for verifying the legal immigration status of new workers," it added.

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Environmental Delegation to El Salvador

2009-04-09T15:36:00.002-04:00

Notes on the Electoral Victory of the FMLN

2009-04-06T15:31:00.002-04:00

from the Sister Cities Staff

Dear Sister Cities,

People have been asking us for in-depth analysis of capabilities and expectations for the Funes government in El Salvador, and here it is. This analysis comes highly recommended from Equipo Maiz economist Agosto Villalona. Enjoy...

In solidarity,

Sister Cities staff
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Saturday, March 28, 2009

Notes on the Electoral Victory of the FMLN

By Agusto Sención Villalona

1. The triumph of the FMLN constitutes new progress of the revolutionary and progressive forces of Latin America. For the new government of the United States it is their first defeat, as they could not impede the overturning of the ultra-right [in El Salvador], organized in the ARENA party.

2. The Victory of the FMLN was due to the combination of two fundamental factors: the decision on the part of the majority of the population to defeat ARENA, and the weakness of the government of the United States, whose hegemony is declining in the world and above all in Latin America. The Salvadoran right, fraudulent and repressive, was afraid of the people and grew isolated in this continent, where the FMLN has the support of the majority of the governments and political parties, including many liberal right parties.

3. The victory of the FMLN is even more significant if one takes into account that this party overcame a fraudulent electoral system, where the right dominates the electoral tribunal and the National Registry of Natural Persons (under the control of the Executive Branch). The right wing refused to approve residential voting [voting by absentee ballot] and gave identity cards to people from other countries of the region to be able to vote in El Salvador. Moreover, even though the FMLN officially won by a margin of 2.6%, the political truth is different, as this party had the support of 60% of the voting population. The fraud carried out by the ARENA party reduced the margin of victory.

4. To characterize the new government that will begin on June 1, it is necessary to take into account that what has been won is simply the Executive Branch, and the right maintains its dominance in other branches and institutions of the State. We see:

- In the Legislative Branch the FMLN has 35 of the 84 seats and the right wing parties, together, control 47: ARENA has 32, the PCN has 10 and the PDC has 5. A party allied with the FMLN has 1 seat, and one other legislator was kicked out of the PCN party.

- In the Judicial Branch, of the 15 Magistrates of the Supreme Court, 12 are of the right wing. Soon 5 new judges will be elected, but this decision is in the hands of a congress (the Legislative Assembly) that is right wing in its majority. Although the minimum number of votes for their election is 56, the right has a greater possibility of imposing its judges, as they can if they with nullify the election, create a crisis in the justice apparatus and affect the image of the new government. The Attorney General of the Republic, who will soon end his term, will also be elected by the Congress, with at least 56 votes. Neither the FMLN or the right have the votes, but the right can nullify the election, in which case the second in command at the Attorney General’s office, linked to the ARENA party, would take up the role of Attorney General.

- In the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, composed by 5 people, the right will maintain three members, as they are elected by the following format: three are proposed by the three parties with the most votes (FMLN, ARENA and PCN) and two are elected by congress. Of the three first the right has two. And of those elected by the congress the right will receive at least one. This way they will continue to dominate the tribunal.

- The Accounts Court, in charge of investigating internal affairs and public corruption, can continue to be under the direction of the right, as the person who presides over this institution is elected by congress, ruled in its majority by the right.

5. The composition of these branches and institutions of the State means that the FMLN and President Mauricio Funes can only do what corresponds to the Executive Branch. It is important to be clear on this point, as there are voices on the ultra-left, nationally and internationally that are demanding the party and president elect to do things that they will not be able to do. And we must be clear that the FMLN government cannot govern behind the back of the Constitution, as this government is not product of an armed struggle that destroys an old State, nor an electoral victory in all branches of the State.

6. The government that Mauricio Funes will direct will implement an important part of his program, the part that is dependent of the Executive Branch. The measures that depend on other State institutions cannot be implemented. Let’s mention some:

- Modifying the tributary structure, and above all higher taxes on private business income, elevating the base levels exempt from income tax, raising tariffs on certain luxury imports and eliminating some loopholes that permit legal tax evasion. The approval or modification of taxes is done in congress, with a minimum of 43 votes, which the FMLN does not have.

- Taking another look at some of the privatizations. Neither the legislative nor judicial branches will facilitate this job.

- Repealing the general amnesty law approved in 1993 by the ex-president of ARENA, Alfredo Cristiani. This law was approved to protect members of ARENA and the Armed Forces named by the Peace Commission (created in the 1992 peace accords) as responsible for many of the crimes committed before and during the war.

- Other measures, such as undoing dollarization or annulling CAFTA, were not brought up by the FMLN and can not be implemented. The first one implies approving a law that grants the Central Bank the faculty to emit national currency and obliges the commercial banks to transfer their dollars to the Central Bank. This law would have to be approved by congress with a minimum of 43 votes. CAFTA can only be annulled or modified by common agreement between the parties that signed it: the governments of El Salvador and the United States.

7. Having established some of the limits to the new government, it is necessary to discuss what it can indeed do, with is considerable. Let’s see:

- Controlling tax evasion that big business carries out to the amount of nearly 2 billion dollars per year, equivalent to 60% of the national budget. If the government is successful in this job, it could elevate its income. It is probable that the government would try to reach a fiscal pact with big business, but it is not very probable that these businesses agree to pay much of what they evade. For this reason, the table of the fiscal pact should become a theater of national struggle around the issue of tax evasion. The people should pressure to gain access to the information regarding the amount of this evasion and for the businesses to pay the money that the law demands of them, much of which comes indirectly from the people themselves.

- Control some prices and tariffs of basic goods and services.

- Raise salaries in the public and private sectors.

- Subsidize, with some part of the new income, some basic services.

- Deposit in the state banks part of the national budget and convert the Bank of Agricultural Production (Banco de Fomento Agropecuario) in a development bank that guarantees credits to small rural production, both individual and cooperative, as well as micro and small enterprise in the cities. The deposits from municipalities governed by the FMLN should also be oriented toward the State banks, as well as social organizations and the population that supports the government.

- Incorporate into the Petrocaribe to achieve favorable conditions to pay for oil imported from Venezuela.

- Incorporate into the ALBA, to obtain benefits from the projects of cooperation that are included in said initiative, together with Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia, Dominica, Nicaragua and Honduras.

- Substantially raise the public resources destined to the Institute of Women and approve and apply policies oriented toward reducing gender inequality

- Establish diplomatic relations with Cuba and broaden relations with the countries of South America, above all with the principal economies (Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela.)

- Legalize productive units of thousands of rural peasants that do not have property deeds. This decision is in the hands of the Institute of Agrarian Transformation (ISTA), who has not wanted to implement this.

- Expropriate property over the 245 hectare limit per owner established in article 105 of the Constitution. Many land owners break the law with the complicity of the current government. These lands and some state properties can be adjudicated to the rural population, that is of 300,000 people who principally produce basic grains (corn, sorghum, beans and rice) and to a lesser extent seasonal crops (vegetables, fruits, etc.) as well as raising farm animals, mostly for their own consumption. Parts of the rural population (64,000 people) belong to agricultural cooperatives, where basic grains are produced. Some of these also produce coffee or sugar cane.

- Augment the budget for the Ministry of Agriculture and the Environment, to support the reactivation of the agricultural sector and confront the grave environmental situation of the country.

- Develop a program of reactivation of the rural economy, with internal support and international cooperation. For this it would be necessary to give State lands, grant credits from the national bank, give some subsidies and agricultural input at low cost, as well as agricultural machinery and technical assistance (which could be obtained with help from Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela) and establish guaranteed prices for small producers. At the same time a literacy program could be developed, with the support of Cuba, to eradicate illiteracy, as was done in Venezuela and Bolivia, as well as a broad program of health, water and hygiene carried out with public and international funds.

- The reactivation of agriculture will allow the reduction of importation of food to confront the competition from agricultural production from the United States, which is subsidized and enjoys the benefits of CAFTA. In a moment that the crisis in the United States provokes a decrease in Salvadoran exportations and the remittances flowing back to the country, reducing importation is key to confront a possible scarcity of dollars. As well, the reactivation of the agricultural sector would raise employment and accessible food. In three years, the improvements in the level of quality of life of the rural population (40% of the total) would be a big hit to the right, which would lose a good part of the municipalities that it still governs.

- In the cities as well the quality of life of the population with the fewest resources can rise, if the government is successful in the reactivation of agriculture and lowering the cost of foods, eradicating illiteracy, creating projects of popular housing, improving water services and supplying medicines to hospitals, as well as granting credits and technical support to small business. Public investment and support of international organizations would permit these results. For this reason it is important to control tax evasion, incorporate into the ALBA and sign cooperation agreements with the principal economies of South America. The external support could also come from China. Of course, we are not looking for the external resources to become the basis of our economic rise and social improvement, rather a important complement, above all in the first years of the new government. In fact, they could be maintained throughout the full Funes administration if it is understood that this government constitutes the first phase of a process of change that begins in the country.

- Apply a program of attention to the street gangs, that includes employment, scholarships, and other actions of social reinsertion.

- Cleaning up the National Civilian Police and the security institutions of the State to diminish criminality and reduce the climate of insecurity of the population. The police must be changed into an institution in support of the people. The FMLN has the advantage of having incorporated into the police force part of its demobilized combatants, some of whom even possess intermediate roles of power. In the new government, the FMLN will have control of the principal structures of control, including the police chiefs.

- Channel a part of the funds for publicity toward the media (radio and newspaper) that are not controlled by big business. This is not simply upon a criteria of equality, also the need to confront the right in political and ideological struggle.

- Modify the educational texts, above all around the subjects of history, to combat the right, those responsible for the military dictatorships and death squads that assassinated tens of thousands of people during many years. In teaching history one must establish, among many other things, the death squad origins of the ARENA party and the responsibility of its founder, D’Aubisson, in the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero.

8. These are some of the measures that can be adopted by the Executive Branch. To make them effective it is necessary to orient the people adequately and gain support, above all in the case of those measures that will be strongly rejected by big business, such as the control of some prices and fiscal evasion, redistribution of the publicity costs of the government, the deposit of much of the government money in the state bank, and expropriation of lands as described in the constitution.

9. What will begin in El Salvador is an advanced reformist government, that will be able to redistribute wealth, improve quality of life for the population with the fewest resources and sectors of the middle class, democratize the State and reduce the political dependence, above all through an independent foreign policy. If this is achieved, it would be an important step in the transformation of the country. The FMLN could advance in the legislative and municipal elections of 2012 and obtain a victory in the presidential elections of 2014 and deepen its program in the following years.

10. The government that Funes leads will be of transition and accumulation to continue advancing in following years. That is how we must understand it. It is not an “anti-system” government, rather one of important social reforms and consolidation of the FMLN.

11. The local right and the government of the United States will forcefully confront the new government and will stimulate the minds of the ultra-left to try to debilitate the bases of the FMLN. When they reject some measures of this government they will do it with tenacity. At the same time they will say that Funes has good intentions and that the leadership of the FMLN wants to push forward an orthodox program. And as the government will be reformist, this supposition could generate discontent among a radicalized portion of the party, which is often victim of the “radical” tag, often from outside the FMLN.

12. To confront the tactics of the right, the militancy of the FMLN and the social forces of the left should avoid wrong turns. It would be a mistake to assume a passive role from the right, or demand the government to do things that it is unable to do. It is important to demand compliance with what has been promised, but taking into account the limitations of the next government, and the need to back it up in each moment.

Augusto Sención Villalona is a Dominican Economist who works for Equipo Maiz, in El Salvador.

No Money, No Gas, No Peace

2009-04-04T10:08:00.001-04:00

April 2, 2009

by voicesfromelsalvador

Two days ago René Figueroa, the Minister of Justice and Public Security, announced that the National Civilian Police (PNC) is unable to cover many operational expenses due to lack of funds. This follows a rash of similar announcements in El Salavador’s public institutions and, more alarmingly, an increase in homicides. The 2008 average for daily homicides was 8.6, famously second only to Irak. In what goes of 2009, the average has grown to 11.6. January alone saw 372 murders; reaching 12 per day.dead-clownThis is grave news leading into Easter week vacations - a time when violence typically spikes. Last year’s Easter vacations totaled 83 homicides in 7 days (close the current 2009 daily average, 11.8). While the entire police force will be deployed for Easter week in what they have termed ‘Plan Protection’, there is little evidence that this will deter the tide of violence - especially if there’s no money to fill the tank.

photo by Ethan James

Victims of Abuses during Civil War Speak Out at International Tribunal

2009-04-04T10:07:00.001-04:00

Victims of Abuses during Civil War Speak Out at International Tribunal
March 28, 2009 by voicesfromelsalvador

The International Tribunal for Restorative Justices opened a public forum for people who had suffered human rights abuses during El Salvador’s civil war. The three-day event was hosted at the Central American University as part of its Truth Festival, a week-long program in commemoration of the anniversary of Monseñor Romero’s assassination.

The testimonies heard by the Tribunal were powerful and disturbing. They narrated stories of incredible human suffering -death threats, tortures, disappearances, assassinations, scorched earth campaigns, massacres- all committed directly by or with the complicity of the Salvadoran Armed Forces.

Julio Rivera offered his testimony and told of how on March 11, 1980, at the age of 7, he witnessed the killing of his mother and three remaining siblings, because his mother had advocated for political prisoners. Only days later -in hiding with his father- he witnessed the massacre at the Sumpul River committed by Salvadoran military in collaboration with local paramilitary groups and the Honduran military. Thirteen members of his extended family were killed in the massacre.

There has been very little political will on the part of the Salvadoran government to address these atrocities. For many years, the Salvadoran government flatly denied their existence, or blamed them on the guerillas. In 1993, El Salvador passed an amnesty law, creating a significant barrier to even gathering information on the atrocities committed. Successive presidents, including president-elect Funes, have refused to repeal the amnesty law, saying it would re-open old wounds.

Rivera replies that that wounds have never closed. He declared that the wounds will heal only when the truth has been heard and acknowledged, and there is a true process of justice and reconciliation.

Mo(u)rning in El Salvador

2009-04-03T15:21:00.002-04:00

By Roberto Lovato

This article appeared in the April 13, 2009 edition of The Nation.
March 26, 2009
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090413/lovato

In Izalco, El Salvador, an idyllic but very poor village nestled under the gaze of the great volcano of the same name, I asked Juliana Ama to help me understand how the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), the guerrillas-turned-political-party, had managed to triumph over the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) in the presidential election on March 15, ending the right-wing party's twenty-year reign. Ama guided me to a dusty, football field-size dirt lot adjacent to a church. The 61-year-old schoolteacher said nothing at first, staring meditatively at a round spot blackened by a campfire or some burnt offering. Then she said simply, "It's our dead."

Her explanation lacked the revolutionary bravado and the análisis político heard from chain-smoking former guerrilla commanders and Facebook-using radical students in San Salvador, the capital. Instead, she threw open her arms and said, "Most of the people killed in the Matanza [the Great Killing] are buried here." Before us lay the remains of many of the 20,000 to 30,000 mostly indigenous Pipil-Nahuat killed in January 1932 on the orders of military dictator Maximiliano Hernández.

In slow, measured speech, Ama, one of a tiny fraction of Salvadorans who identify themselves as indigenous, explained how indigenous peasants like her great-great-granduncle, the peasant leader Feliciano Ama of Izalco, and others from the western coffee-growing part of El Salvador rose up against deadly poverty, stolen land and other abuses in Depression-era El Salvador, only to be brutally slaughtered.

"We've organized commemoration ceremonies on this spot since 2001," said Ama, as she pointed at the darkened patch on the lot. "People who can't remember and are silent are people who are submitted (sumisos). Those ceremonies made it normal and acceptable to be open about the loss of long ago, the loss that still lives with us. Nothing like this was ever possible before, and I think that the ceremony made it possible for people to start being more open about political feelings too."

My initial reason for visiting Izalco during the country's presidential election season was that I'd learned of ARENA's defeat in the Izalco mayoral race in January--the party's first defeat since it was founded in 1981 by Roberto D'Aubuisson, who also founded El Salvador's notorious death squads. The death squads, backed by the right-wing military government, were responsible for killing many of the 80,000 people who died during the bloody civil war of 1980-92.

The FMLN's recent victory in small, neglected Izalco--after campaigning on a message of change backed by a coalition of Catholics, students and evangelicals--had political analysts buzzing about how it might herald a national trend in the lead-up to the historic presidential election. Even some ARENA loyalists I interviewed quoted D'Aubuisson's prophetic maxim: "The day we lose Izalco, that day will be the end of the party."

In Izalco it became clear how Ama's explanation of the FMLN's victory aligned perfectly with the central lesson of revolutionary political warfare that some former Salvadoran guerrilla commanders told me they'd learned in Russia, Vietnam and other Communist-bloc countries in the 1960s and '70s: the spirit of the people matters most. The power that broke the chain of oligarchies and military dictatorships that shackled El Salvador for 130 years was the will of the people to break their silence.

Few embody this will to break the silence like Mauricio Funes, the FMLN candidate and the first leftist elected president in the history of El Salvador.

Funes, a 49-year-old former journalist, rose to prominence in no small part thanks to the democratic space created by the signing of the peace accords ending the war in 1992. Until then, the seventy-year rule of oligarchs and dictators made freedom of expression a rarity. My first memories of Funes are as the talk-show host and commentator my family in San Salvador would listen to in the late '80s as they huddled around a small, battered black-and-white television set during their lunch breaks.

As the grip of state military-run television loosened in the postwar period, Funes became the country's most popular TV personality in his role as host of Entrevista al Dia (Interview of the Day), El Salvador's equivalent of Meet the Press.

Hosting al Dia, on which he grilled and debated left- and right-leaning guests with his famously mercurial intelligence, helped to make Funes a symbol of the openness ushered in by the signing of the peace accords. After losing every presidential race since laying down its arms to become a political party in 1992, the FMLN embraced change. With the help of people like Funes's mentor Hato Hasbun--a sociology professor who worked closely with the six Jesuit priests killed by the military during the FMLN offensive in 1989--the party finally recognized that putting up presidential candidates who were former guerrilla commanders or wartime opposition leaders might not be the best strategy for winning over an electorate trying to overcome the war's painful legacy. The party chose Funes, who was neither a combatant nor a member of the FMLN during the war.

In doing so, the former guerrillas gave their party a much-needed upgrade that allowed them to use the FMLN's legendary organizational capacity (during the war, the US State Department called the FMLN one of the "best organized" and "most effective" people's movements in Latin America in the last fifty years) to meet the political requirements of the media age. And as a Jesuit-influenced intellectual, Funes also gave the FMLN--an organization with many leaders who were themselves profoundly influenced by liberation theology and first organized in Christian base communities--some ideological comfort.

When I interviewed Funes on the night of his victory, in the restaurant of a San Salvador hotel, the first thing he did was echo the thinking of one of those who courageously broke El Salvador's silence. "Now we need a government like the one envisioned by [Archbishop of El Salvador] Óscar Arnulfo Romero, who, in his prophetic message, said that the church should have a preferential option for the poor. Paraphrasing Monseñor Romero, I would say that this government should have a preferential option for the poor, for those who need a robust government to get ahead and to be able to compete in this world of disequilibrium under fair conditions."

Like almost every Salvadoran I spoke with after Funes's victory, the candidate said he wished a deceased family member, in his case his brother killed during the war, was with him to share the moment.

And like Juliana Ama, he too rooted his victory in the legacy of silence and struggle from Izalco: "Our history--what happened in 1932, the poverty of the '70s that caused the armed conflict in the '80s and the state in which many in the countryside like Izalco still find themselves today--these can be explained fundamentally by the unjust distribution of wealth, the use of the government to support the process of concentrating wealth."

After talking with Funes at the hotel, I went to the Escalon neighborhood, where those who have benefited from the concentration of the country's wealth live and do business behind the big, heavily guarded walls of gated buildings and fortressed mansions. For reasons I don't know, but imagine have something to do with poetic justice, the FMLN decided to hold its massive victory celebration that Sunday night on Escalon Boulevard.

The neighborhood was also where the FMLN launched its offensive on San Salvador in 1989. After the demise of Communism put in doubt the survival of Latin American revolutionary movements, including El Salvador's, the FMLN made a strategic decision to bring its guerrilla army of young men and women and older adults, some of whom had little to no combat experience, into the capital, leading to some of the bloodiest battles of the war.

I walked along the crowded blocks of the Escalon with my good friend Joaquin Chávez, a fellow in the NYU history department, who founded the first Central American studies program in the United States with three other colleagues and me. Passing by Citibank and Scotiabank, OfficeMax, McDonald's and other corporate buildings on the Escalon never felt so exhilarating. The major difference was the hundreds of thousands of boisterously happy, red-shirted, mostly poor children, youth and families waving homemade red-and-white FMLN flags.

For his part, my bookish, bespectacled historian friend Joaquin, who had lost many friends and family members during the war, was initially pretty academic about what the electoral victory meant.

"The origins of the war were not ideological. What brought on the armed struggle," began Joaquin, whose current research looks at the role of intellectuals in the origins of the war, "was the reaction of various groups to the repression of the state. If the government had allowed fair elections in 1972 and 1977, there would have been no war." His voice started to crack slightly with emotion. "And that's what makes tonight so hope-inspiring: it makes possible a political transition through legal and electoral means."

Watching the wave of thousands of mostly young FMLN supporters walk, sing and dance as they held handpainted signs with messages like Misión Cumplida: Compañeros Caídos en La Lucha (Mission Accomplished: Compañeros Who Fell in the Struggle), Joaquin reminisced, not as the accomplished historian but as the former guerrilla leader: "I remember being here on Seventy-fifth Street (during the 1989 offensive) to pick up the bodies of dead and injured young combatants. They were the ages of these kids walking here now."

He continued: "Tonight I feel like they didn't die for nothing. Spiritually, it feels like a weight has been taken off of you, where you feel the absence of those who initiated these processes. This is an explosion of happiness and a celebration of rebellion, a triumph of the 1932 rebellion of Feliciano Ama and the indigenous people."

Back at the empty lot, near the blackened patch of dirt that is ground zero of revolutionary El Salvador, Juliana Ama pondered the escape from silence her country had begun. Despite the threats the commemoration ceremonies provoked, she said, "our ceremony is not intended as a political act. It is first and foremost a spiritual act. We have no choice; we can't remain and suffer in silence." Her eighth-grader son, Alex Oswaldo Calzadia Chille, stood solemnly nearby.

Asked what he thought the political turns in his country portended, the rather reticent, dark-skinned 14-year-old star student, soccer forward and drummer at the Mario Calvo school responded with an unexpected forcefulness. "I'm Pipil (Indian). Feliciano Ama, he's my family and was killed defending the land against the government, like many people do today." As if he'd been waiting for the opportunity to speak even more, he declared, "My family voted for the FMLN because they wanted change." His intense brown eyes alive with the energy one imagines his rebellious ancestor had, Alex added, "When I'm old enough, so will I."

About Roberto Lovato
Roberto Lovato, a frequent Nation contributor, is a New York-based writer with New America Media.
* Copyright © 2008 The Nation

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090413/lovato

More Unions Favor Legalizing Workers

2009-03-30T21:41:00.002-04:00

Sunday 29 March 2009

by: Leslie Berestein, The San Diego Union-Tribune

The dynamics of the farm labor population have changed since Cesar Chavez and others began organizing workers in California's fields.

In the early 1960s, a guest-worker program that had imported workers from Mexico since the days of World War II was drawing to a close. Those who were left picking crops were largely legal residents or U.S. citizens of Mexican and Filipino descent, along with working-class white and black Americans.

"Back then, probably 80 percent were documented, and about 20 percent were undocumented. Today it would be just the reverse," said Arturo Rodriguez, president of United Farm Workers, the nation's first farm labor union. The UFW was founded by Chavez, whose birthday is celebrated Tuesday.

The makeup of the nation's manual laborers - and in particular, farm laborers - changed as economic conditions in Mexico and other parts of Latin America coincided with a demand for cheap labor in the United States.

It is now estimated that as many as 90 percent of California's farmworkers are foreign-born, most of them here illegally. This resonates in San Diego County, home to more small farms than any other county in the United States, according to the San Diego County Farm Bureau. Agriculture has repeatedly ranked fourth or fifth among the county's top industries.

Nationwide, the Pew Hispanic Center in Washington, D.C., has estimated that while only 4 percent of unauthorized workers are employed in agriculture, such workers make up the vast majority of farm labor.

As the labor force has changed, so has many organized labor groups'attitude toward unauthorized workers, whom they once viewed as low-paid competition and, in the case of farmworkers, as strikebreakers.

Along with prominent labor groups such as the Service Employees International Union, the UFW, which has about 27,000 members, is a vocal proponent of revamping immigration laws to grant legal status to those already working here.

While guest-worker plans continue to be a sticking point and dissent persists among trade unions in some industries, the general thinking in recent years has gone as such: If you can't beat the competition, let them join.

Unauthorized workers who are easily exploited give an unfair advantage to employers who hire them and drive down wages for other workers, say labor leaders who favor legalization. Giving them legal status and rights would level the playing field, while bringing them into the union fold would boost membership and bargaining muscle.

"There has been a significant change in the mind-set of the labor movement," Rodriguez said.

This is not a new position for the UFW, which lost ground in the 1980s to a combination of political resistance and growers' increasing preference for unauthorized workers as more arrived.

The union has supported initiatives calling for legalization, including the 1986 law that granted amnesty to roughly 3 million people residing in the United States illegally.

As with other labor groups that more recently have endorsed legalization, it is a position that evolved along with the work force. Early on, the UFW's stance was less sympathetic toward the illegal workers, who were viewed as competition.

But that view is often misconstrued, some scholars say.

In 1969, four years into a five-year grape strike, Chavez testified before Congress that if illegal workers were removed from California, "at least from the strike fields, we would win the strike overnight," said Jorge Mariscal, who teaches Chicano studies at UC San Diego.

"There is no question that in the early days, they had a strike going on. The growers were bringing in undocumented people to break the strike, so of course they had to be against that," said Mariscal, who cited the quote in a book he wrote about the Chicano movement, "Brown-Eyed Children of the Sun."

Anti-illegal-immigration activists have often referred to actions the union took at the border in protest of strikebreakers as justification for staging border watches.

During strikes against growers in the 1960s and early 1970s, it was common for growers to bring in workers from Mexico as scabs. In 1974, during a strike against citrus growers in Yuma, Ariz., UFW members stationed themselves at the Arizona-Mexico border.

"The UFW protested the inactivity of the (Immigration and Naturalization Service) and then began stopping Mexican undocumented workers at the border, trying to convince them not to scab," reads a passage from "Cesar Chavez: A Triumph of Spirit," a biography of Chavez co-written by Richard Griswold del Castillo, a professor of Chicano studies at San Diego State University. Some strikebreakers did turn back, but there were also violent confrontations, according to the book.

The position union members took against strikebreakers was born not out of qualms over legal status but out of self-preservation, Rodriguez said.

"If you bring in people more hungry than the ones already here, those workers are forced to do what is necessary to take care of their families," he said.

Today, legalizing workers once seen as competitors has become a priority; the UFW kicked off a new pro-legalization campaign this month.

It is also viewed as a necessity.

"We think this is really critical for the future," Rodriguez said.

»

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Another Source of Info About El Salvador

2009-03-27T10:27:00.002-04:00

(from http://voiceselsalvador.wordpress.com/about/)

About Voices on the Border

Voices on the Border (Voices) is a non-profit, grassroots network of individuals and organizations promoting just and equitable development in the departments of Usulután and Morazán in El Salvador.

Voices began its work in 1987 as a project of accompaniment with over 10,000 Salvadoran refugees in Colomoncagua, Honduras and in other refugee camps. In 1989 and 1990, Voices accompanied these refugees as they returned to El Salvador. Upon their return, many refugees founded Comunidad Segundo Montes, in the northern department of Morazán, while others moved to the Lower Lempa region of Usulután.

We have continued accompanying our Salvadoran partners for over twenty years, responding to their needs and priorities, facilitating partnerships with U.S. communities and other international organizations, advocating for justice and equality, and informing U.S. citizens of the realities in El Salvador. At any given time, we are engaged in a number of activities, including:

1. Grant making
2. Community organizing
3. Leading delegations to Salvador
4. Initiating and supporting development projects and activities
5. Advocating for social, economic and political justice
6. Other activities that further the development interests of our partners

Voices’ strength is in its small staff, active board, and network of individuals, organizations, and communities that partner in our activities and support our programs. As we have for over twenty years, we continue to draw our energy and inspiration from our local partners in El Salvador, who face challenges and struggles with grace, humility, and determination.

Please join us in our efforts to promote just and equitable development in El Salvador by:

1. Joining a delegation
2. Volunteering
3. Donating
4. Starting a partner relationship with a Salvadoran community

For more information about Voices, or to learn more about how to get involved, please visit www.votb.org, or contact Thomas R. Hughes at voices@votb.org or (202) 529-2912.

Mining and the Presidential Elections: Rep. Rohrabacher, Paul Behrends, and Pacific Rim

2009-03-26T16:42:00.001-04:00

This was just published today on Voices' blog.

http://voiceselsalvador.wordpress.com/electionmining-update-rep-rohrabacher-paul-behrends-and-pacific-rim/

Days before El Salvador’s recent presidential elections, a small chorus of Representatives from the U.S. Congress spoke out against the FMLN political party and their presidential candidate Mauricio Funes. Of those that spoke out, Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) was one of the most vociferous.

In a speech on the floor of the House of Representatives, Rep. Rohrabacher labeled the FMLN a pro-terrorist political party that has links to Iran, al-Qaeda, the FARC, Cuba, and Hugo Chavez. He added that while Salvadorans are free to vote for whomever they like, if they elect the FMLN, the U.S. should end the temporary protective status (TPS) for Salvadorans in the U.S., and cut off the flow of remittances to El Salvador. Rep. Rohrabacher and officials from the State Department made similar threats during the 2004 presidential elections in El Salvador, contributing to the ARENA’s victory over the FMLN.

Despite the last minute threats, on March 15, 2009 Salvadorans elected Mauricio Funes as their next president. While Rep. Rohrabacher’s comments on the House Floor caused a stir the week before the elections, the media has largely ignored them in their coverage of the Funes victory. Rep. Rohrabacher on the other hand posted a C-SPAN video of his speech from the House floor on the front page of his official website - http://rohrabacher.house.gov/.

Contrary to Rep. Rohrabacher’s threats, El Salvador’s relationship with the U.S. remains strong. President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton both called to congratulate Funes on his victory, and to schedule meetings with him at an upcoming summit. Funes –a moderate and party outsider– has reiterated that he will respect trade agreements and international law, seek to stem the flow immigration, and maintain strong ties with the U.S.

Within hours of Rep. Rohrabacher and others inserting themselves into the Salvadoran presidential campaigns, thousands of U.S. citizens were calling the State Department to demand a statement of neutrality from the Obama Administration. State Department officials readily obliged by restating their neutrality and willingness to work with the next Salvadoran president. The statements made by Rep. Rohrabacher and others beg the question – do these Congressmen have intelligence or information on the FMLN that the State Department and President do not have, or were other interests in the balance? We propose that the answer may lie in Rep. Rohrabacher’s connections with the Pacific Rim Mining Corporation’s struggle to secure mining permits in El Salvador. (Click here for background information on Pacific Rim)

Early in his career on Capitol Hill, Rep. Rohrabacher had two aides of interest. From 1990-1997, Paul Behrends was a national security aide to the Congressman, before moving on to become a lobbyist. Erik Prince was also an aide to the Congressman before founding Blackwater USA, the private military company famous for, among other things, providing security to State Department officials in Iraq and Afghanistan. The two former aides have maintained a close relationship over the years. Mr. Behrends has been one of Blackwater’s top lobbyists since its conception in 1996, and Blackwater has followed Mr. Behrends to three different lobbying firms, including C&M Capitolink where he is now employed.

C&M Capitolink is a subsidiary of Crowell and Moring, the Washington DC-based law firm representing Pacific Rim, which recently filed notice of intent to pursue arbitration against El Salvador over the mining permits. In 2008, Pacific Rim also hired C&M Capitolink to represent their El Salvador mining interest on Capitol Hill, as well as at the State Department, and National Security Council. Among the three lobbyists that worked on Pacific Rim’s account was Mr. Behrends, Rep. Rohrabacher’s former aide. At first glance, it may seem odd for Pacific Rim, a Canadian mining company, to hire an expert in international security to lobby on their behalf in the U.S., in order to overcome permitting hurdles in El Salvador. In light of the 2009 Presidential Elections in El Salvador, however, Mr. Behrends becomes a more logical choice.

FMLN presidential candidate, Mauricio Funes made it clear that, if elected, he would not grant Pacific Rim mining permits. In fact, those leading the anti-mining movement are some of Funes’ most ardent supporters, and granting the permits would cost him the support of his base. Though President Saca (ARENA) did not have the political capital to grant the mining permits, Pacific Rim has strong allies in the pro-business ARENA party, including former Finance Minister Manuel E. Hinds who serves as the mining company’s economic advisor. ARENA presidential candidate Rodrigo Avila remained silent on the mining issues, leaving the door open for him to grant the permits once elected.

One of the ARENA party’s central campaign strategies throughout the election was to paint the FMLN as a pro-terrorist party that is a threat to international security. The ARENA candidate and government made numerous charges that the FMLN had ties to or supported al-Qaeda, Iran, FARC, Cuba, and Hugo Chavez, the same charges that Rep. Rohrabacher summarized in his March 12^th statements on the House Floor. In 2008, the Salvadoran Foreign Minister even visited the U.S. and publically requested that the U.S. government openly support the ARENA, claiming that the FMLN’s ties to Iran would be a threat to U.S. national security.

We propose that Pacific Rim’s primary goal in lobbying Capitol Hill, the State Department, and the National Security Council was likely similar to the Salvadoran Foreign Minister’s request – that the U.S. government openly support the ARENA and help them defeat the FMLN. Mr. Behrends has the connections necessary to make such an appeal. His experience on Capitol Hill gave him access to Rep. Rohrabacher and others who had spoken out against the FMLN in previous elections. His success lobbying for Blackwater gave him strong ties in the State Department and National Security Council, and the officials with the credibility to denounce the FMLN as a pro-terrorist political party and a threat to U.S. national security.

The FMLN candidate maintained a double-digit lead in the polls for most of 2008, and the ARENA seemed to have little chance of catching up. With the FMLN candidate openly opposed to the mining permits, U.S. intervention in the Salvadoran elections against the FMLN would be the clearest path for Pacific Rim to secure their mining permits. Of all the lobbyists in Washington DC, Mr. Behrends was perhaps the one with the experience and contacts to get the U.S. involved.

In the end, only Rep. Rohrabacher and a few others were the only members of the U.S. government to speak out against the FMLN. The ARENA, Pacific Rim, and Mr. Behrends failed to convince the State Department, the National Security Council, Presidents Bush and Obama, and at least 51.3% of Salvadoran voters that the FMLN is an international security threat. Now that the FMLN has won the elections, Rep. Rohrabacher’s threats to end the TPS and flow of remittances seem a bit empty; and unless President Saca somehow grants permits before Funes takes office on June 1^st, it is unlikely that Pacific Rim will be mining in El Salvador within the next five years.

Strained Detention System a Virtual Black Hole

2009-03-26T16:39:00.001-04:00

Wednesday 25 March 2009

by: Marina Litvinsky | Visit article original @ Inter Press Service

Antonio Lemus, an immigrant from Mexico, waits at a processing center in Santa Ana, California. (Photo: Lucy Nicholson / Reuters)

Washington - The U.S. government has failed to uphold international human rights standards in its detention of immigrants and asylum seekers, Amnesty International USA (AIUSA) said in a report released Wednesday.

The report, "Jailed Without Justice: Immigration Detention in the USA," shows that tens of thousands of people languish in U.S. immigration detention facilities every year - including a number of U.S. citizens - without receiving a hearing to determine whether their detention is warranted.

According to the report, in just over a decade, the number of immigrants in detention each day tripled from 10,000 in 1996 to more than 30,000 in 2008. Numbers are likely to increase in 2009.

The people detained include lawful permanent residents, undocumented immigrants, asylum seekers and survivors of torture and human trafficking.

"America should be outraged by the scale of human rights abuses occurring within its own borders," said Larry Cox, executive director of AIUSA. "Officials are locking up thousands of human beings without due process and holding them in a system that is impossible to navigate without the legal equivalent of GPS."

"The United States has long been a country of immigrants, and whether they have been here five years or five generations, their human rights are to be respected. The U.S. government must ensure that every person in immigration detention has a hearing to determine whether that detention is necessary," he said.

The report contends that U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents have been incorrectly subject to mandatory detention and spent months or years behind bars before proving they are not deportable. According to AIUSA's research, at least 117 people have been held in mandatory detention for crimes that were ultimately determined not to be deportable offences.

Even more astounding, in 2007 alone, legal service providers identified 322 individuals in detention who may have been able to claim U.S. citizenship.

Mr. W., a U.S. citizen, was placed in immigration detention in Florence, Arizona. According to the Florence Immigrant and Refugee Rights Project, he was born in Minnesota and had never left the United States in his life. Because he was detained, he did not have access to his birth certificate, and was working in the prison kitchen for a dollar a day to earn the 30 dollars it would cost to order a copy of his birth certificate. Mr. W. was finally released after being detained for over a month.

Others who are lawful residents of the U.S. languish in detention for so long that they choose to go back to countries where they are at risk of being attacked or imprisoned.

L.N., 27, was born in Afghanistan and came to the U.S. with his family as refugees when he was seven years old. He was placed in deportation proceedings and held in mandatory detention because of a drug conviction in 2007. He began urinating blood not long after, and was experiencing constant fatigue, pain and discomfort. He was first seen by a doctor a month and a half later and after nine months, he had yet to receive any diagnosis or treatment.

He told Amnesty International that he is so frustrated and afraid that he is considering giving up his claim of citizenship and going back to Afghanistan in order to obtain medical care.

"When people who may well be citizens of the United States are desperate enough to be deported to countries they don't even know, there clearly is a breakdown of disturbing proportions within the U.S. system of immigration detention," said Sarnata Reynolds, AIUSA's policy director for Refugee and Migrant Rights.

Because under U.S. law, individuals in deportation proceedings may secure counsel, but at no expense to the government, the vast majority of people - 84 percent - in immigration detention do not have a lawyer, and instead represent themselves. According to AIUSA, representation by legal counsel can have a significant impact on the outcome of an individual's case. One study found that individuals are five times more likely to be granted asylum if they are represented.

For many immigrants, release from detention is out of reach because bonds are set impossibly high.

The report states that although immigration judges have the authority in some cases to release immigrants on their own recognizance or with a minimum bond of 1,500 dollars, reports indicate that the judges are now less likely to do so.

According to the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), in 2006, immigration judges in the United States declined to set bond in 14,750 cases. In 2007, the number increased to 22,254, and in the first five months of 2008, immigration judges had already refused to set bond in 21,842 cases.

To house the rapidly increasingly number of detainees, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) increasingly relies on contracts with state and county jails. Approximately 350 facilities hold up to 67 percent of all detained immigrants.

Amnesty International's findings indicate that conditions of detention in many facilities do not meet either international human rights standards or ICE guidelines. Immigration detainees are often detained in jail facilities with barbed wire and cells, alongside those serving time for criminal convictions.

Immigrants are unnecessarily exposed to inappropriate and excessive restraints including handcuffs, belly chains, and leg restraints. Amnesty International received reports that some individuals have been subjected to physical and/or verbal abuse while held in immigration detention, in violation of international standards.

Immigrant detainees also find it difficult to get medical attention. At least 74 immigrants have died in detention during the last five years.

"Conditions in detention centres have been shown over and over again to be in violation of ICE standards and international law, but wholly absent is almost any accountability for these violations," said Reynolds. "Immigration and Customs Enforcement must be held accountable and enact enforceable human rights standards to eliminate inappropriate and dangerous housing conditions."

The AIUSA report, which launches the organisation's campaign to promote and protect the human rights of immigrants, shows that the average cost of locking up an immigrant is 95 dollars per person, per day, or approximately 2,850 dollars per month, funded by taxpayers.

Alternatives to detention programmes, such as such as conditional release, reporting requirements, an affordable bond, or financial deposits, have been shown to be effective and significantly less expensive than holding people in immigration detention. A study of supervised release conducted by the Vera Institute in New York yielded a 91 percent appearance rate at an estimated cost of 12 dollars per person per day.

AIUSA calls on the U.S. government to implement its recommendations which include: ensuring that alternative non-custodial measures are always explicitly considered before resorting to detention; and ensuring the adoption of enforceable human rights detention standards in all detention facilities that house immigration detainees, either through legislation or through the adoption of enforceable policies and procedures by the Department of Homeland Security.

Though ICE has announced the publication of 41 new performance-based detention standards, which will take full effect in all facilities housing ICE detainees by January 2010, AIUSA maintains that "these are still only guidelines, don't ensure compliance with human rights standards, and are not legally enforceable."

"We are reviewing (the report) and are engaged in comprehensive review of detainee health care," Cori Bassett, a public affairs officer at ICE, told IPS. "ICE has made appreciable gains by adopting detention standards," she added, though "the care and treatment (of detainees) does not yet meet our standards of excellence."

"(The Department of Homeland Security) and ICE is committed to measurable and sustainable progress and we pledge to ensure that it occurs," she said.

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Indentured Servants, Circa 2009

2009-03-21T13:04:00.000-04:00

Wednesday 18 March 2009

by: Barbara Koeppel | Visit article original @ ConsortiumNews.com

Local governments across the US have recently passed stricter laws against undocumented workers, backed by increased enforcement raids on businesses. (Photo: AP / Paul Connors)

The immigration imbroglio is the gorilla in the room that won't go away.

Feeding on this and last years' gigantic job losses and fear of more to come, anti-immigrant anger is exploding across the U.S. Thus, Nativists like Arizona's Sheriff Joe Arpaio are nudged to over-the-top nastiness: Just a month ago, he proudly paraded his villains (aka illegals) through the streets of Phoenix before deporting them.

In fact, since 1872, when the U.S. passed its first anti-immigrant laws - at that time, against Chinese workers - Nativists have played the same xenophobia card: With fundamentalist fervor, they fire up those with fragile incomes to fear immigrants, legal or otherwise. Lately, local governments have passed punishing laws against undocumented workers, while enforcement agencies ratchet up raids on factories and farms.

At the same time, Chambers of Commerce insist foreign guest workers are vital to U.S. businesses. Heeding the call, politicians promise the guests will figure in any new immigration plan. Details, however, are absent.

What they don't say is the U.S. guest worker saga is riddled with abuse. Nor do they mention it squeezes low-skilled domestic workers, who are also bullied in the race to the bottom and are routinely denied jobs, since the guests will work for anything under any conditions, given their desperation.

Thus, before the new administration answers the Chambers' prayers, it must examine our guest worker schemes, which the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) in a 2007 report calls "close to slavery."

The schemes began during World War II with the Bracero program, when a half million Mexicans labored at American farms. Congress ended the program in 1964 because, among other reasons, exploitation was endemic.

Revised Plan

In the 1980s, the U.S. launched two new plans - an H2A guest program for farm workers and H2B scheme for all other low-wage industries, such as poultry and seafood processing, construction, forestry, timber, restaurants and hotels.

Since then, employers have secured millions of guest workers: In 2008, the U.S. issued 124,000 temporary visas. The real number is far greater, because returning workers' visas aren't counted in the figure.

On paper, H2A rules are reasonable. Foreign workers apply in their countries and, when approved, get visas and contracts stating that employers must give the workers at least 75 percent of their promised hours, decent free housing, workmen's compensation insurance (for injuries), transportation to and from their countries, access to free federal legal services and the same health/safety protections afforded U.S. workers.

In reality, the rules are a sham. According to Mary Bauer, SPLC's director of its Immigrant Justice Project, guest workers are cheated every day in every way.

For H2B workers, there's not even a charade. They have no contracts, period.

For both sets of workers, the program should note that only the vulnerable need apply.

Why? Most important, the Department of Labor (DOL) regulations are stacked against them from the start, since they bequeath employers boundless power: Most critical, they only allow the guests to work for the company that gets their visas. No matter how abusive the arrangements, they can't switch jobs. If they complain, they're fired, must leave the U.S. within 30 days, pay for return tickets and lose remaining wages.

This spells financial disaster for the workers because they borrow heavily to pay recruiters' bribes: An average $500-$2,000 in Mexico, $8,000-$12,000 in Thailand, $20,000 in India. Aware of their debt, employers secure their workers' silence.

To make matters worse, a beneficent George W. Bush pushed through midnight regulations in December 2008 as a gift to U.S. companies: The new rules effectively slashed the guests paltry wages by $2-$3 an hour and scrapped housing standards: Before, the DOL had to certify that housing was safe. Now, employers must simply state that, "through no fault of their own" approved housing is unavailable.

Fortunately, President Obama just reversed the changes, but it will still take time for the new rules to kick in.

Holding the Cards

In fact, employers hold all the cards: They confiscate workers' visas, passports and return tickets - though this is illegal. But illegality is irrelevant.

For example, although companies are required to pay hourly wages or equivalent piece rates, Bauer claims most firms ignore the rules most of the time. The case of Bimbo's Best Produce (yes, Bimbo's!), a strawberry grower in Louisiana, is instructive. In 2005, its workers sued for back wages and Bimbo settled. Bimbo applied for more workers in 2006 and 2007, the DOL gave the okay, and, undaunted, the company slashed wages to $3-$4 an hour - well below the minimum wage.

Forestry firms - notorious rule breakers - pay workers $15-$30 for every 1,000 seedlings they plant, which typically takes 12 hours - although the law says they should get $6-$10 an hour. But these firms are not unique. Bauer says almost every company in all sectors that SPLC checked lied about employee time sheets - with as many as 30 hours a week missing from paychecks.

Pay fraud is just one abuse. Housing is dilapidated and unsanitary: For example, the SPLC says that Evergreen Forestry in North Carolina kept workers in a shed with one cold water spigot, no heat or toilets throughout the winter. When workers tried to leave, a boss locked them up until they repaid what he'd lent them to buy sleeping bags, fuel and a portable toilet. Bauer insists these conditions are typical.

Regina Luginbuhl, who heads North Carolina's DOL, disagrees. She says H2A workers are protected against abuses because the program allows them to access free legal services. Also, she says H2A housing is usually "decent" because employers must register with her agency.

But her office has just five full-time inspectors who check only half the guest worker housing units a year. She insists this beats conditions in states like Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, which don't inspect at all.

Illness and injury are also common. Farm workers get dehydrated - several died in the past few years. Water, where provided, is often contaminated. Green sickness from picking tobacco, allergic reactions to pesticides or bee strings may be severe, but workers keep working.

A Sacramento Bee article noted "guest forest workers are routinely subjected to conditions not tolerated elsewhere in the U.S.... .gashed by chain saws and bruised by tumbling logs." When injured, companies rarely pay for medical care, days missed or medicine.

Feeble Enforcement

Finally, the DOL's enforcement of the rules is feeble: In 2004, it checked violations at 89 out of the 6,700 farms with H2A workers. At the 8,900 work sites with H2B workers, the DOL inspected none.

When this reporter tried to update the numbers, Jennifer Kaplan and Susan Bohnert of the DOL's Washington DC press office, insisted the agency doesn't collect them. A supervisor repeated the story.

Without DOL data, advocate groups have no way to tally the true extent of violations, notes Ramon Ramos, a paralegal for 30 years with Texas Rio Grande Legal Aid: Their own statistics only cover a small number of worksites. Worse, when they try to get DOL figures, the states' DOL offices, like the national one, stonewall.

Even when advocates like Legal Aid and SPLC learn of violations and win cases against employers, the DOL sits on its hands: H2B workers sued Shores and Ruark Seafood of Virginia for $150,000 in back wages and won, and the company was fined.

Although the DOL cited the company two other times for wage violations, it still approved the firm's application for new workers. In Arriaga v. Florida Pacific Farms, a judge ruled the company had to repay workers' transport and visas fees. But the DOL didn't enforce the decision.

Bauer says another problem is that DOL's program is completely hidden. "When a worker calls us about an abuse, we need to see his contract and learn if the DOL has inspected the workplace for violations." But the DOL insists this information is "secret" - between employers and the DOL - and the SPLC must file Freedom of Information (FOIA) requests to get it.

And this, in turn, spells gridlock. When the SPLC filed a case against the Mississippi DOL in 2007 for not providing information, the judge ruled in SPLC's favor. Displeased with the decision, the state promptly passed a law saying its DOL office was not obliged to give the information. Seizing on the successful strategy, Kentucky passed a similar law in 2008. Where local DOL offices do respond, the answers arrive two years later, when the workers are long gone.

Speaking Out

The few workers who speak out - usually those who've already been fired or badly injured - are branded troublemakers and blacklisted. Baldemar Velasquez, president of the Farm Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC) said that before his union organized North Carolina's guest farm workers, the state's blacklist had 16,000 names.

Although the list was dismantled when the North Carolina Growers Association signed a contract with FLOC in 2004, blacklisting elsewhere is alive and well. Legal Aid's Ramos says he hasn't seen formal lists in other states, but knows the principle operates.

"Mexican guest workers tell me their previous U.S. employers won't re-hire them." Why? "They might have asked for water in the fields, or something like that. Not because they're slackers. I've never met a guest farm worker who didn't give 100 percent, because they want to return," Ramos says.

Critics like Bauer and Ramos insist the abusers are not a few bad apples, but the norm. In 2008, the SPLC sued Signal International for 600 highly skilled Indian pipe fitters and welders hired to work on ships in Texas and Mississippi for defense contractors (Signal is a subsidiary of Northrup Grummon).

Snared by ads that Signal ran in Indian newspapers promising high wages, along with permanent visas for workers and their families, each worker paid recruiters (illegally) $20,000 to land the job.

Once in the U.S., Signal paid entry level wages ($13 an hour); the jobs were temporary; families were not allowed to come; the men were kept in guarded labor camps and forced to work. SPLC charged Signal with human trafficking, fraud, racketeering and civil rights abuses; but the men are $20,000 poorer and stuck. Bauer adds that U.S. skilled workers' wages would be at least double.

Critics also claim that the DOL and employers' practices hurt companies that want to play by the rules, because they can't compete with the majority, which break them. Critically, they lower wages and conditions for all unskilled workers.

Recruiting Abuses

The exploitation extravaganza begins even before the guests reach American shores. U.S. companies contract with foreign recruiting firms to find poor workers, who sign on - despite the recruiters' bribes.

How do recruiters pull it off? FLOC's Velasquez says workers don't know this is illegal or how else to get in the program. Second, the DOL insists it doesn't control what happens outside U.S. borders.

Velasquez says "The whole system is wildly profitable for everyone but the workers. Recruiting is very big business."

Big enough to murder for.

In 2005, when FLOC opened an office in Monterey, Mexico to educate workers about their rights, its staff were stalked, slandered by local newspapers, and the office burglarized.

In 2007, a FLOC organizer, alone in the office, was murdered. Police caught one of the killers and FLOC gave them the names of two others. But the other two have not yet been arrested.

Observers say the DOL could improve conditions in a stroke - since it doesn't need Congress to change the program: If it lifted the rule that ties the guest workers to one employer, the men would be free to bargain for a better deal or change employers, taking their visas with them. Eventually, the worst employers would lose their workers and have to clean up their acts.

Also, the DOL could offer H2B workers the same protections as H2A workers receive (on the books).

It could also crack down on employers that break the rules and levy fines that count. At the very least, it could reject violators' requests for new workers.

But Velasquez says "unless all guest workers have labor rights, as FLOC won in North Carolina, they won't be able to fight the abuses." Still, he's optimistic.

"The state's growers now run decent guest worker programs. Why not elsewhere?" he asks.

One hope is that Hilda Solis, the new Secretary of Labor, will right some decades-old wrongs. However, history isn't on her or the guest workers' side.

--------

Barbara Koeppel is a free-lance investigative reporter based in Washington DC.

Victoria FMLN: Un video sobre el dia historico de las elecciones salvadoreñas/Video of El Salvador's historic election day

2009-03-19T11:12:00.001-04:00

From Jess Freeston
jfreeston@gmail.com

---English below---

Al momento que envio este corréo, el video está en la portada del sitio de web, www.therealnews.com. Se trata del dia historico, el 15 de marzo. (disculpeme porque hay partes que son solamente en inglés)

Despues se poderá encontrar acá: http://therealnews.com/t/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=3425&updaterx=2009-03-19+09%3A20%3A4

Aunque dura 12 minutos, no pudé incluir todo los hechos que queria.

Sin embargo, espero que le guste a usted.

Saludos grandotes.

Jesse.

ENGLISH

The video I put together from election day in El Salvador is up the front page of www.therealnews.com right now.

After a few days, you can find it here: http://therealnews.com/t/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=3425&updaterx=2009-03-19+09%3A20%3A48

Even at 12 minutes long I wasn't able to include all the information I wanted to, so it lacks in historical context. Nonetheless, I hope you enjoy. I know it was one of the most amazing days I've ever experienced and I can only hope that the video communicates half of that.

All the best from El Salvador.

Jesse.

El Salvador: Voting in Rebel Territory Written by Marc Becker

2009-03-18T13:18:00.000-04:00

Wednesday, 18 March 2009
Upside Down World
http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/1771/1/

Heading out from San Salvador to Chalatenango, the roads are covered
with political propaganda from the ruling right-wing ARENA party. In the
lead up to the March 15 presidential elections in this small Central
American country, all of the utility posts have been painted in the
party’s colors of red, white, and blue. Presidential candidate Rodrigo
Avila beams down from billboards with promises that he will rule with
“sabiduría,” with wisdom. Smaller banners promise a future of freedom
and prosperity.

Once past the town of Chalatenango, however, the ARENA propaganda
quickly disappears, replaced by the distinctive red graffiti of the
leftist FMLN party and posters of their champion, journalist Mauricio
Funes. By the time we arrive at Cambridge’s sister city of San José de
las Flores and Madison’s sister city of Arcatao, not a single ARENA
marker is to be seen anywhere.

We are deep in rebel territory, in the red zone of the 1980s where the
Salvadoran military moved in with a brutal force, massacring local
populations with the goal of subjugating and depopulating the zone. Here
local farmers fought back, joining the Farabundo Martí National
Liberation Front to demand an end to economic exploitation and social
exclusion. When the civilian refugees who had been forced out of the
zone unilaterally decided to return in 1986, cities in North America
joined them in sistering relations. After the 1992 peace accords, the
FMLN became a legal political party but it was beaten repeatedly at the
polls by the conservative and much better funded ARENA party.

Morning always comes early in the country side, but on Sunday, March 15,
it comes even earlier to Arcatao. Poll workers are to show up at 5 a.m.
to begin their work, but by 4 a.m. FMLN militants are already present at
the municipal building on the square in an attempt to head off any
attempts at fraud. Although we are in the middle of the dry season, it
had rained hard the night before. The last couple of days had been hot,
but rather than making the air muggy, it now felt fresh and cooler.

Polls are not supposed to open until 7 a.m., but local activists are so
eager for the outcome of these historic elections that voting begins 15
minutes early. Buses and trucks roar up to the plaza and disgorge their
passengers who quickly queue up to vote. Several voters are missing
limbs that were blown off in the war. Memories of the conflict weight
heavily on many in this area.

In El Salvador, rather than voting in schools or other public buildings,
the election booths are placed outside right on the sidewalk in front of
the municipal building. Every 450 voters warrant one booth. Arcatao’s
eligible voter population just rose above 1800, meaning that there are 5
polling stations, the last one with only 46 voters.

Each polling station has 4 workers (president, secretary, and 2
spokespeople) and 4 observers, with half from each party. The 2
observers are clearly labeled as to their party, but the poll workers
are not allowed to carry party identifications, even though they are
there in representation of their party. Nevertheless, most of the FMLN
poll workers are wearing red. The eager president of the first table
takes it to the furthest extreme; she is decked out in red down to her
shoes and finger nails.

Some of the hardest core party activists, however, have absolutely no
party markers. They are working with the municipal electoral board, and
it is in their own best interests that the vote in Arcatao is counted
accurately, fairly, and with absolutely no hint of fraud or impropriety.
The election results here are a forgone conclusion. The FMLN workers are
friendly and upbeat, while the ARENA activists are cold, distant, even
sullen.

Table 4 has a long drawn out discussion, almost a fight, regarding
whether voters have to mark their ballots in the privacy of the voting
booths set up for this purpose, or whether they can mark them on the
table in plain site of everyone present. The majority of FMLN voters
seem content to vote openly right on the table; they had nothing to
hide. Most ARENA voters, however, use the booth.

Leading up to the election there were incessant rumors that sweatshop
workers would lose their jobs unless they took a cell phone picture of
their ballot marked for ARENA. But here in Arcatao there are no
sweatshops, and we do not see any voters taking pictures of their ballots.

The other persistent rumor is that Hondurans are crossing the border to
vote for ARENA. From Arcatao, Honduras lies just on the other side of
the mountains to the north. Driving into town signs warned against
Hondurans trying to vote. Rumors circle around that the woman in pink
over there is Honduran, but she hangs around long after casting her
vote, hardly the profile of a partner in a criminal fraudulent process.
The president of Table 2, an ARENA activist proudly decked out in white
and blue, two of the party’s tri-color, is also rumored to be a Honduran.

I ask a local resident whether they easily distinguish between
Salvadoran and Hondurans, but across this porous border it is not so
easy to tell. Apparently most of these alleged Hondurans are dual
citizens, and in our reading of the electoral code nothing can prevent
them from voting in El Salvador. To me, the anti-Honduras sentiment
smacks of nativism.

Electoral observer missions are theoretically neutral, but whoever has
observed of participated in such a mission is well aware of the fallacy
of such assumptions. We keep our distance from local community leaders,
all of whom are inevitably FMLN activists with whom we have been meeting
over the course of the past two days. Our goal is to protect the
integrity and legitimacy of our reporting, but I don’t think the ruse
fools anyone; everyone knows where our sympathies lie.

Part of our job as observers is to document irregularities in the voting
process. Since this is a leftist stronghold, most of those violations
are naturally the fault of local FMLN poll workers. All are so small
that it hardly seems possible that they could in any way affect the
election’s outcome. Other violations are systemic and bear witness to
one of the weakest electoral systems in Latin America. For example, the
FMLN and ARENA decided on a voter-marking ink that is too light to see.
Voters randomly mark any digit on their hands, even though a search of
the election code states that the ink should go on the thumb.

The electoral code also stipulates that no political propaganda is
supposed to be in the polling station, but outside on the plaza in one
of the FMLN’s most loyal strongholds, party propaganda is impossible to
avoid. A FMLN flag waves over the plaza; FMLN graffiti is on the columns
holding up the awning over the sidewalk; FMLN posters adorn the walls of
the municipal buildings. FMLN markers are so prevalent and so ubiquitous
that people seem to forget that they exist.

By 9:30, almost everyone has already voted. The polls do not close until
5 p.m., so the day slowly drags on, and the crowds that were present in
the early morning slowly disperse. Only the poll workers, observers, a
few straggler voters, and party diehards are left on the plaza. The sun
slowly drifts across the sky. Poll workers move the voting stations into
the street where they are under the shade of trees from the late
afternoon sun. Someone drives a truck into the middle of the booths and
blares a radio tuned to a pro-FMLN call-in talk show. No one seems to mind.

Poll workers are ready to pack up the booths long before closing time,
but they hold out until the end. At exactly 5 p.m. the head of the local
electoral board announces that it is time, and the workers grab
everything off the table and disappear into the municipal building to
count the votes. The president of each table holds up the ballots one by
one for everyone to see. Votes for FMLN go into one pile, the occasional
vote for ARENA into a second, and a couple spoiled ballots into a third.
As a check against fraud, the president is also supposed to show the
signature and stamp on the reverse side verifying the ballot’s
legitimacy, but at Table 4 this does not happen. It is late, and no one
seems to mind.

By 7 p.m., most of the ballots in Arcatao are counted. For the
municipality, the FMLN scores 849 to ARENA’s 469. The almost 2-to-1
margin is a landslide, though probably by no means the FMLN’s widest
margin of victory. I hear a story that in January’s legislative
elections in San José de las Flores ARENA only gained 3 votes in one
booth, one vote less than the four officials working that table for the
party of the government.

It is dark outside, and some people gather in the corner cafe to watch
returns on TV. But all of the media outlets in El Salvador favor the
right, so most people remain out on the square where the municipality
has set up an Internet video stream on a computer projector to show more
sympathetic coverage. It isn’t until after 10 p.m. that the electoral
council declares a FMLN victory. The gathered crowd greets this news
with fireworks and shouts of joy. Local political leaders give speeches
embracing their victory. Poll workers who have been awake now for close
to 20 hours go home exhausted but happy.

The 2009 elections are the fourth time that the FMLN contested for
presidential power through the electoral process. Together with wins in
January’s local and legislative elections, the FMLN will be the dominant
party when it takes office in June. Not only does this bring an end to
20 years of conservative ARENA rule, but it is also the first time that
a leftist government has been elected in Salvadoran history.

Ten years ago, before Hugo Chávez took office in Venezuela, Cuba’s was
the only leftist government in the Americas. Now the left is dominant,
even hegemonic, in Latin America, and hopefully the few conservative
dominoes will fall as well.

Marc Becker (marc@yachana.org) is a Latin American historian from
Arcatao’s sister city of Madison, Wisconsin. He observed the elections
with U.S. El Salvador Sister Cities. More information and photographs
from the elections are on his webpage at
http://www.yachana.org/reports/salvador/.

The U.S.-El Salvador Sister Cities Homepage is: http://www.elsalvadorsolidarity.org

Mauricio Funes: The Next President of El Salvador

2009-03-16T14:43:00.002-04:00

from U.S.-El Salvador Sister Cities Staff

March 16, 2009 8:00 am

The wait is over. After almost 20 years of an ARENA government and the FMLN being the opposition, things have changed.

Yesterday the Salvadoran people went to the polls in impressive numbers to elect Mauricio Funes as the next president of El Salvador. With the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) reporting 99.4% of the votes counted, Funes has won with 51.3% (1,349,142 votes) and his contender, Rodrigo Avila, received 48.7% (1,280,995 votes).

In his victory speech at 9:07pm last night Funes said “We have signed a new peace and reconciliation accord for the country itself. I invite, from this moment on, the different social and political powers to build national unity together.”

As the results came in streets throughout the country began to fill with people. Thousands of people rushed to the Plaza Masferrer in San Salvador to celebrate. In Arcatao the street in front of the mayor’s office was full of people dancing. In Las Anonas the celebration was in the community center. All over El Salvador people came together to rejoice in the victory they had waited so long to celebrate.

The news that came from our observers was generally positive. In Tecoluca, Arcatao, and La Libertad the entire process went smoothly. In Tecoluca the FMLN won 6,106 votes and ARENA won 3,482. In Arcatao the FMLN won 849 votes and ARENA 304. We still don’t have the exact numbers for La Libertad but our observers reported wining both voting centers.

However in the community of Cinquera, which has been the host to so much tension and violence over the last couple months, also saw violence on elections night. Once the 419 votes were counted for the FMLN and the 304 were counted for ARENA, the community went to the park to wait for the national the results. Unfortunately, things became violent and an ARDM organizer was beaten by ARENA sympathizers. When a youth from the radio station tried to video what was happening, he was threatened and chased by ARENA supporters, who fired 3 shots in the air. The ARDM called the attorney general for an investigation and waited at the police station for them to arrive. The rest of the community celebrated the victory in their houses. Our observers are all safe. This reminds us, as Sister Cities, that while we are excited and relieved with the FMLN win on a national level, we still have an important role accompanying the organized communities in El Salvador, especially those whose local government are ARENA.

We would like to end by thanking everyone in the U.S.-El Salvador Sister Cities network for all your hard work, dedication, faith, and support. We, as staff, feel extremely grateful for the opportunity to have worked with all of you during this exciting time, and equally grateful to have the opportunity to continue working with you. We would like to especially thank the volunteers we have had on the ground here in January and March: Jenny, Karen, Leigh, Vanessa, Annie, Sean, and Ian. With out your help and support we would have never been able to accomplish what we have.

We will send out more information throughout the week as well as our official observation report so stay tuned.

Sí se pudo!

U.S.-El Salvador Sister Cities Staff

"The PICA Blog" - Somethings To Think About

2009-03-16T13:23:00.003-04:00

Hi,
I'm going to try my hand at running the PICA Blog.

I'll be placing PICA-related news items and discussion points on the blog, in the hopes that the material will be useful/helpful to furthering understanding of PICA concerns/issues and that the Blog will encourage discussion and constructive dialogues.

If you have an item you'd like posted to the PICA Blog, that you want to share with the PICA world, please send it to me and I'll get it on for ya.

-John Greenman
jgreenman@gwi.net

Make a Statement against Mining in El Salvador

2008-09-22T10:56:00.001-04:00

U.S. - El Salvador Sister Cities Network

www.elsalvadorsolidarity.org

URGENT ACTION, August 2008:

Make a Statement of Solidarity against Mining in El Salvador!

Dear Friends of Sister Cities,

The struggle against gold mining in El Salvador continues. Communities are faced by this internationally driven threat to their land, their water, and their lives. Though Pacific Rim has announced its decision to cut its El Salvador operations (the announcement being seen more as a tool for pressuring the government than a decision to abandon mining efforts in El Salvador) Intrepid Minerals, Ltd. and Tribune Uranium Corp, the two companies pursuing exploration in Chalatenango, have made no such decision.

If you would like more information about the status of the anti-mining campaign, please visit the website www.elsalvadorsolidarity.org.

Today, we urge you to write to the directors of Intrepid and Tribune expressing your personal awareness and concern regarding mining in El Salvador and the role their companies play. Send out these two letters below in full, or a shorter modified version to you own liking. Feel free to include more information pertinent to your committee or sister community. But please send something; every letter sent is added incentive to withdraw from El Salvador.

Lastly, after sending letters to Tribune and Intrepid send us an email letting us know that you did so (sistercities@gmail.com).

As always, we thank you for your commitment to accompany the communities in their struggle of mining resistance.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Bradley Gordon, CEO and Executive Director
Intrepid Minerals, Ltd.
Suite 1710
155 University Avenue
Toronto, ON M5H 3B7
Canada

Dear Mr. Gordon,

I write to express my concern about Intrepid Minerals, Ltd.'s involvement in the Ojo Blanco and Petancol projects in the Department of Chalatenango, El Salvador.

[Here identify your own personal interest in contacting the company and your connection to El Salvador and/or Chalatenango. An example for the sister cities network: My own interest in contacting you is as a member of the U.S.-El Salvador Sister City Network. This organization represents groups from sixteen U.S. cities which have a fifteen year ongoing relationship with the residents of Salvador communities, including those within the Ojo Blanco and Petancol Claims areas. As a network, we remain in constant communication with several communities in the project area.] I am personally discouraged and disappointed by Intrepid Mines' persistence in pursuing mining exploration projects in El Salvador, despite rejection by the local residents.

I write now to remind Intrepid Mines that opposition to these proposed mining projects remains strong and unwavering on the local, national, and international level.

The residents of the communities within the Petancol and Ojo Blanco project areas are informed as to the likely environmental and social consequences of said projects. They believe that the exploitation that will follow exploration will destroy their reforested land, pollute their water supply, ruin their agriculture, and over time, make their communities uninhabitable. They are also extremely worried about the prospect of violence, which has occurred in parallel situations in neighboring Guatemala and Honduras, when security forces were called in to enforce the mining companies' presence. Time and again they have declared that mining is not welcome in their homelands.

Recently, the Public Statement Against the Projects that Threaten Human Life and Our Environment, a statement signed by the duly elected Association of Communities for the Development of Chalatenango and the mayors of the municipalities of Las Vueltas, Arcatao, Nueva Trinidad, San Jose Las Flores, Nombre de Jesús, San Isidro Labrador, San Antonio Los Ranchos, El Carrizal, and San Luís del Carmen was released. The statement was also signed by members of the Catholic Church and the non-governmental development organizations the Foundation for Cooperation and Community Development for El Salvador (CORDES) and Provida.

In this statement they declare once again their "rejection and total opposition" to mining projects. Affected communities have not been properly consulted in regard to the opening of mining projects on their lands. In their opinion, mining projects are incompatible with the development of the Northern Zone of El Salvador. They are prepared to continue in their strong resistance to what they consider an illegitimate incursion on their land by transnational corporations.

The Catholic Church stands in similar disaccord with the projects. Citing the grave environmental and health consequences of mining, water contamination, concerns for wildlife and agriculture, and the dense population in El Salvador, the Episcopal Conference of El Salvador declared: "For all of the above mentioned reasons, we affirm that to put in danger the lives of human beings, although some economic benefits can be gained, the mining exploitation of precious metals in El Salvador should not be permitted."

These positions are supported by public opinion, as reflected in a poll conducted by the Public Opinion Institute of the University of Central America. The English-language executive summary, titled Knowledge and perceptions of mining in areas affected by mining activities in El Salvador, concludes that "a large majority of the population residing in areas affected by mining projects oppose this activity. Furthermore, the population considers that mining would not contribute in a significant way to the economic development of their communities." Moreover, "62.5% expressed the opinion that El Salvador is not an appropriate country for mining" and "two-thirds of those polled (63.8%) responded that they "totally" or "partially" disagree with the opening of new mining projects."

As the results of the IUDOP poll indicate, Salvadorans are not persuaded by campaigns to promote "green mining" or to convince the population that El Salvador should follow in the foot-steps of other countries where mining is occurring.

I understand that Intrepid Mines, along with Tribune Uranium Corp, have already invested considerable time, energy, and funding in going forward with exploration activities in the Ojo Blanco and Petancol claims areas. I urge you to reconsider your activities in El Salvador. While I understand you already have the legal licenses to carry out exploration, your future ability to fully carryout exploration and exploitation remain in considerable doubt. In light of the strong opposition from communities, grassroots organizations, the Catholic Church, and many elected officials, it is highly unlikely the social licensee that local communities would need to provide in order to make your projects feasible in El Salvador will be forthcoming. Indeed, Pacific Rim has already decided to cut its El Salvador operations in neighboring Cabañas for these reasons.

Respectfully,

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Graham L. Harris, Chairman, C.E.O. & Director
Tribune Uranium Corp
Suite 2007
1177 West Hastings Street
Vancouver, BC V6E 2K3
Canada

Dear Mr. Harris,

I write to express my concern about Tribune Uranium Corp's involvement in the Arcatao, Ojo Blanco, Santa Catarina, and Petancol projects in the Department of Chalatenango, El Salvador.

[Here identify your own personal interest in contacting the company and your connection to El Salvador and/or Chalatenango. An example for the sister cities network: My own interest in contacting you is as a member of the U.S.-El Salvador Sister City Network. This organization represents groups from approximately twenty U.S. cities which have a fifteen year ongoing relationship with the residents of Salvadoran communities, including those within the Arcatao, Ojo Blanco, Santa Catarina, and Petancol claims areas. We remain in constant communication with several communities in the project areas.] I am personally discouraged and disappointed by Tribune's decision to go ahead with the acquisition of the claims areas and to continue to pursue exploration in the region, despite rejection by the local residents.

I write now to remind Tribune that opposition to these proposed mining projects remains strong and unwavering on the local, national, and international level.

The residents of the communities within the Arcatao, Ojo Blanco, Santa Catarina, and Petancol project areas are informed as to the likely environmental and social consequences of said projects. They believe that the exploitation that will follow exploration will destroy their reforested land, pollute their water supply, ruin their agriculture, and over time, make their communities uninhabitable. They are also extremely worried about the prospect of violence, which has occurred in parallel situations in neighboring Guatemala and Honduras, when security forces were called in to enforce the mining companies' presence. Time and again they have declared that mining is not welcome in their homelands.

Recently, the Public Statement Against the Projects that Threaten Human Life and Our Environment, a statement signed by the duly elected Association of Communities for the Development of Chalatenango and the mayors of the municipalities of Las Vueltas, Arcatao, Nueva Trinidad, San Jose Las Flores, Nombre de Jesús, San Isidro Labrador, San Antonio Los Ranchos, El Carrizal, and San Luís del Carmen was released. The statement was also signed by members of the Catholic Church and the non-governmental development organizations the Foundation for Cooperation and Community Development for El Salvador (CORDES) and Provida.

In this statement they declare once again their "rejection and total opposition" to mining projects. Affected communities have not been properly consulted in regard to the opening of mining projects on their lands. In their opinion, mining projects are incompatible with the development of the Northern Zone of El Salvador. They are prepared to continue in their strong resistance to what they consider an illegitimate incursion on their land by transnational corporations.

The Catholic Church stands in similar disaccord with the projects. Citing the grave environmental and health consequences of mining, water contamination, concerns for wildlife and agriculture, and the dense population in El Salvador, the Episcopal Conference of El Salvador declared: "For all of the above mentioned reasons, we affirm that to put in danger the lives of human beings, although some economic benefits can be gained, the mining exploitation of precious metals in El Salvador should not be permitted."

These positions are supported by public opinion, as reflected in a poll conducted by the Public Opinion Institute of the University of Central America. The English-language executive summary, titled Knowledge and perceptions of mining in areas affected by mining activities in El Salvador, concludes that "a large majority of the population residing in areas affected by mining projects oppose this activity. Furthermore, the population considers that mining would not contribute in a significant way to the economic development of their communities." Moreover, "62.5% expressed the opinion that El Salvador is not an appropriate country for mining" and "two-thirds of those polled (63.8%) responded that they "totally" or "partially" disagree with the opening of new mining projects."

As the results of the IUDOP poll indicate, Salvadorans are not persuaded by campaigns to promote "green mining" or to convince the population that El Salvador should follow in the foot-steps of other countries where mining is occurring.

I understand that Tribune Uranium Corp, along with Intrepid Mines, have already invested considerable time, energy, and funding in going forward with exploration activities in the Arcatao, Ojo Blanco, Santa Catarina, and Petancol claims areas. Once again, I urge you to reconsider your activities in El Salvador. While I understand you already have the legal licenses to carry out exploration, your future ability to fully carryout exploration and exploitation remain in considerable doubt. In light of the strong opposition from communities, grassroots organizations, the Catholic Church, and many elected officials, it is highly unlikely that Tribune will be able complete its stated mandate to "uphold the highest environmental and social standards and to work with local communities to ensure that these norms are to the benefit of both parties." The social license you claim to value will, I am sure, not be forthcoming. Indeed, Pacific Rim has already decided to cut its El Salvador operations in neighboring Cabañas for these reasons.

Respectfully,

Mining Activities in El Salvador: An Update from US-El Salvador Sister Cities - August 2008

2008-08-06T12:57:00.002-04:00

Pacific Rim Suspends Operations in El Salvador
Recently, Pacific Rim, a large Canadian mining company pursuing exploration licenses in the El Salvador department of Cabañas, announced that it would suspend its El Salvador operations. Press announcements from Pacific Rim cited a lack of government cooperation and political will for the trouble the company has faced in pursuing exploration. In reality, strong and organized local opposition has made it difficult for Pacific Rim to operate in the area.

It is widely believed that government decisions on mining are on-hold in the lead-up to the elections in 2009. Because mining is so widely unpopular, the ARENA government fears electoral losses as a result of granting additional exploration and exploitation licenses to foreign owned companies.

While any news of this sort is encouraging, Pacific Rim's public statements and press releases appear to be both thinly veiled threats to bring the issue to international courts and an effort to pressure the Salvadoran government to allow Pacific Rim to operate in El Salvador despite strong popular opposition.

Continued Education and Resistance from the CCR and the Departmental Mining Table
In addition to articulating their position in the "Public Statement Against the Projects that Threaten Human Life and Our Environment", the Association of Communities for the Development of Chalatenango (CCR) and the Departmental Mining Table from Chalatenango have been busy planning additional activities as part of their resistance. Billboards stating the communities' opposition to mining will be erected throughout Chalatenango. Also, meetings with land owners are being held to dissuade them from selling to mining companies. As always, the CCR maintains a constant campaign to inform the communities of the disastrous impacts of mining.

Deceptive Tactics from the Mining Companies:

Offers of Scholarship and Development
In the department of Chaatenango, scholarships funded by the mining company are being offered through the Monseñor Oscar Arnulfo Romero University. They are being offered to students from communities not located near any of the proposed mining sites. It appears then, that one strategy being used is to approach poor communities not directly affected by mining and offering "development projects" in order to deceive the communities into supporting the projects.

Propaganda Campaigns
Mining companies have been supporting a campaign to publicize "green mining" and the support of mining by leftist governments in Cuba and Venezuela. Both are efforts to deceive the public about the reality of mining in El Salvador. "Green mining", a supposedly environmentally and developmentally friendly mining process, does not exist. All mining will contaminate water and soil in El Salvador, as well as drying up water sources. Referencing mining projects in Cuba and Venezuela as a justification for mining in El Salvador is ridiculous, as the countries vary greatly in territorial size, population density, and the amount of mining profits that will stay in the country.

Pro-Mining Bureau
A group known as the Pro-Mining Bureau gathered outside the cathedral in San Salvador for several consecutive Sundays. The group supposedly consisted of individuals from Cabañas, another department where there has been lots of mining-related activity and called upon the Archbishop to change his position from against the mining projects to being in favor of mining in El Salvador. On a Sunday in June, communities from Cabañas showed up to counter-demonstrate. They pulled out their DUIs (state issued IDs) with their registered addresses in Cabañas and asked to see the DUIs of those from the Pro-Mining Bureau. Those gathered from the Pro-Mining Bureau promptly packed up and left and have not demonstrated outside of the Cathedral since. Those from the Pro-Mining Bureau that were supposedly from Cabañas are believed to be from a San Salvador suburb and to have been paid to participate in the Sunday demonstrations.

Suchitoto 14 defendent assassinated!

2008-05-09T13:39:00.001-04:00

On Friday May 2nd, Hector Antonio Ventura was assassinated in the community of Valle Verde, Suchitoto. Ventura was the youngest of the 14 political prisoners captured in Suchitoto on July 2nd, 2007.

According to preliminary reports, Ventura was stabbed to death. Another victim, who was with Ventura, was attacked but survived. Reports say that the assailants were at least two men, who entered the back room of the house where Ventura and his friend slept and attacked them. Because Ventura was a recently freed political prisoner and because the attack was not a random incident but demonstrated prior planning, the murder suggests political motives. Ventura's murder is one of a number of assassinations of political opposition leaders and activists in El Salvador in the last few years.

Ventura was killed days after having agreed to speak at the Day Against Impunity, an event planned to take place this coming July 2nd in Suchitoto, on the anniversary of last year's capture of the Suchitoto 14 by police. You can read more about Ventura's murder here.

PICA is participating in emergency meetings of the US-El Salvador Sister Cities network to plan a North American response to this tragic crime. You will hearing from us soon with actions you can take to support the ongoing struggle for human rights in El Salvador.

Victory in El Salvador - Suchitoto 13 freed!

2008-02-21T14:16:00.001-05:00

Suchitoto 13 and the Citizens not Terrorists Campaign Achieve Major Victory!

Yesterday afternoon we received the following bulletin from US - El Salvador Sister Cities. This is a stunning blow to the ARENA government's strategy of using the "war against terror" as a pretext for repression, and a momentous victory for human rights and political freedom in El Salvador. It is a testament to the strength and resolution of the Salvadoran popular movement, and to the effectiveness of North American solidarity when we work in partnership with our Salvadoran sisters and brothers. Thank you to all of you who played a role - by making phone calls, sending letters, faxes and E-mails, contributing money, and in many other ways.

Jon Falk
PICA Director

*********************************

Friends,

The Suchitoto 13 and the Citizens Not Terrorists campaign achieved a major victory today!

This is a preliminary report, and we will be working to put out a more in-depth and detailed update in the coming hours that should orient our ongoing work. But here is the fresh info:

This February 19th at an initial hearing scheduled in Suchitoto under the new accusations of "Public Disorder" and "Aggravated Damages," the judge dropped all charges and set the 14 defendants free!

According to preliminary reports, the Attorney General's office neglected to present official accusations and sufficient evidence, and district attorneys were not present at the hearing on time. The Judge then decided to waive the charges, and decree "definitive liberty" for the defendants.

This hearing was scheduled after Special (terrorism) Tribunal Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz recused herself of February 11th and declared the Special Tribunal incompetent to hear the case, as the building was surrounded by hundreds of community members who had marched from the city of Suchitoto over the previous 3 days. (There is more information, photos and video of the march here.) Judge Fuentes de Paz's resolution sent the case back to the conventional court system in Suchitoto, and the local Judge scheduled the initial hearing.

US - El Salvador Sister Cities member, Meredith DeFrancesco, was inside the courthouse this morning as an accredited journalist. She describes the scene at the courthouse:

"The building was surrounded with people from the communities holding candles and photos of the 14 defendants. There was a dark and tense moment inside the courthouse as the Judge called each one of the defendants by name, and they each stood awaiting the resolution. When the Judge said that all charges were being dropped, the tense moment collapsed and the whole room spontaneously erupted. Another large group of people from organizations and rural communities was gathered in the park in Suchitoto, celebrating the verdict."

This is a major victory for the Suchitoto 13, for the CRIPDES communities and national organization, for the Salvadoran social movement, and international solidarity. Rosa Valle, Vice-President of CRIPDES told us that:

"This is proof that our organizing work gets results and has great power. The Government responded to our organizing with repression, and now they must recognize their mistake, as they see communities and leaders around the world uniting their voices with the strength of the Salvadoran people to call for justice, dignity, and our own human rights."

Thank you for all your work and continued attention, support, and action that has been so important over the last 7 months. Please stay tuned for a more in-depth report in the coming hours that will orient our continuing work and strategy to stand with our brothers and sisters in El Salvador to defend human rights!

For more info, check out:

US-El Salvador Sister Cities Web site
WERU Community Radio Web site (with photos and interviews)

Suchitoto 13 Update: Prosecution Reduces Charges, Continues to Allege Criminality; New Challenges Lie Ahead

2008-02-12T12:19:00.000-05:00

Suchitoto 13 Update:
Monday, February 11th

Prosecution Reduces Charges, Continues to Allege Criminality; New Challenges Lie Ahead

Introduction:

The case of the Suchitoto 13 has reached a critical turning point, as a formal and definitive accusations were submitted by the Attorney General's office on February 8th, 2008, more than 7 months after the initial arrest and detention. The document submitted to Special Tribunal Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz deviates from original accusations, and changes the classification of the crime, presenting charges of "Creating a Public Disorder," as well as "Aggravated Damages." This is a reduction in scope and severity of the charges presented against the Suchitoto 13, but remains a blatant criminalization of the constitutionally guaranteed rights to free expression and association.

Legal Update:

The accusatory document presented by the Attorney General's office details an "official" narration of the events of July 2nd, 2007, as well as testimony and evidence which very closely reflects the original document submitted some 7 months ago. The prosecution maintains that a group of protesters blocked off the road and then responded violently to police. The official narration of the events differs drastically from scores of eyewitness reports, as well as a news reports and video, presented as evidence by the Attorney General's office, (you can see a clip here). The prosecution also presents testimony of several witnesses, both from public officials that manifest that they could not get to the official government event being held in Suchitoto, as well as from members of the Riot Police (UMO) and the police officers that arrested the Suchitoto 13.

The document presented by the Attorney General's office goes on to conclude that the actions of the defendants of July 2nd, 2007 correspond to the crime of "Public Disorder", as expressed in Article 348 of the Salvadoran Penal Code, and not "Acts of Terrorism", as they were originally qualified. Article 348 reads: "Those who, acting in a group and to the end of attacking the peace and public order, block public ways or access routes or invade installations and buildings, will be punished with two to four years in prison."

The document also cites $1,850 worth of damages to state property, including one bullhorn, a gas mask, a riot-police shield and helmet, and damage to 2 state-owned vehicles. Alleging that these objects were damaged "by protesters with rocks, sticks and closed fists," the prosecution also accuses the Suchitoto 13 of the crime of "Aggravated Damages."

Legal Analysis:

A few important legal elements and observations from lawyers and experts close to the case that can help to interpret the latest developments:

The change in the classification of the crime from "Acts of Terrorism" to "Public Disorder" should render the Special Tribunal, and specifically Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz, incompetent to continue ruling on the case. If the judge were to declare incompetence, either in an official resolution due this week, or at a later preliminary hearing when the defense team gets the chance to present its own evidence and testimony, then the case would be sent back to the conventional court system, in this case in Suchitoto.

The latest document submitted by the Attorney General's office is very similar to the original document, save the changes in the classification of the crime. It seems clear that over the last 7 months, (including the 4 month extension requested by the Attorney General's office), the prosecution has been unable to build a case. There are no new elements of proof submitted, and no stated reasoning even behind why the accusations were changed.

The Suchitoto 13 are charged under the existing Penal Code on July 2nd, 2007. This means that they cannot be charged under the reforms that raised the jail time for "Public Disorder" to 4-8 years. Rather, they face a 2-4 year sentence if convicted.

Reactions:
The Suchitoto 13 Legal Defense team declared that they were "deeply disappointed by the accusations submitted by the Attorney General's office." A spokesperson from the team commented that "There is a grave danger in classifying the legally guaranteed exercise of free expression and protest as a crime. The justice system apparatus clearly made a mistake with the initial arrest and detention of 14 people on July 2nd who had committed no crime. We would have hoped that the Attorney General's office would recognize the error and drop the charges. But on the contrary, the current accusations endanger not just the freedom of the people arrested in Suchitoto, but also the constitutional rights of the Salvadoran people to freely gather and express their opinions."

The Committee of Family Members of Political Prisoners in El Salvador, in a recent press release stated that: "The Attorney General wants it to appear as if the [new accusations] are in accordance with the law, hiding his intentions to continue the violations of human, social and civil rights... Our family members have committed no crimes and they should never have been arrested, much less tried, tortured, jailed and violated in their most fundamental rights. The Attorney General, if he really wants to rectify the situation and show respect for law, should solicit immediate and definitive freedom for our family members."

STAY TUNED at www.elsalvadorsolidarity.org

Suchitoto 13 Update: Time Expires for the Prosecution

2008-02-08T11:02:00.000-05:00

Social Organizations Increase the Pressure as Time Expires for the Prosecution

(Bulletin from U.S. - El Salvador Sister Cities)

The case of the "Suchitoto 13" is at a boiling point as both sides prepare for the upcoming preliminary hearing to present evidence and testimony. An extension solicited by the Attorney General's office and granted by Special Tribunal Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz, expires on Friday, February 8th. This will be the final day that the prosecution has to present its evidence, witnesses, and final accusations. Following that date, the defense team will have 5 days to respond with its own evidence, information, and witnesses.

This preliminary hearing represents a key moment in the case. Since their release from prison in late July, 2007 under conditional liberty, the Suchitoto 13 have remained in a state of uncertainty. The legal requirements for their conditional liberty are restrictive, but it has been the stress of not knowing what to expect, while still facing up to 60 years in jail, that is weighing on the group the most. This preliminary hearing will be a glimpse at the strategy that the Salvadoran Government has decided to take, and the results will dictate how the case proceeds.

After the prosecution's presentation and the subsequent response of the defense team, Judge Fuentes de Paz must decide that either:

There is not sufficient evidence for a criminal case. The Special Tribunal then decrees that all charges are dropped.
There is not enough evidence for charges of Acts of Terrorism. The Special Tribunal declares itself incompetent to hear the case and passes it on to the regional court system for Cuscatlán under lesser charges.
There is sufficient evidence presented by the prosecution to proceed on to trial. Judge Fuentes de Paz schedules the trial date within 20-60 work days.

The legal and social response teams for the Suchitoto 13 are preparing for each of those possibilities, and have ramped up their activities leading up to the hearing. Lorena Martinez, CRIPDES President and member of the Suchitoto 13 said that "We have to be proactive and win this case before a trial ever begins. We know that there is no evidence to maintain terrorism charges, and logic suggests that we should be freed. But there was no logic to our initial capture and jail time either, so we know that we must keep our eyes focused on our common goals of justice, and work for it, too." The Suchitoto 13 legal and social teams have been doing just that in recent weeks.

CRIPDES and CORDES put pressure on the Attorney General

On Tuesday, February 5th a group of community leaders from Suchitoto, as well as CRIPDES and CORDES national leaders travelled to the District Attorney's office in Cojutepeque, in charge of the Cuscatlán Province that includes Suchitoto. There, observed by several journalists and members of the Salvadoran press, they presented a letter to Oscar Castro, the District Attorney, also directed to Felix Garrid Safie, the Attorney General, outlining the irregularities in the arrests of the Suchitoto 13. The letter correctly states that "...the extension granted [to the prosecution] expires on February 8th, and [the prosecution] has not made any movement during this time. It is clear there is no incriminating evidence.... We demand that the Attorney General of the Republic and the Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz respect the Rule of Law, stop risking the incipient process of democracy in the country and drop all charges."

Human Rights Investigation Delegation returns home

The Human Rights Investigation delegation that Sister Cities coordinated on the ground in El Salvador returned to the United States on January 27. Ten people from the United States, representing a wide range of ages, backgrounds, and sectors, but each with a strong history and commitment to the communities of CRIPDES and the struggle for social justice in El Salvador, formed the Human Rights Investigation delegation. The following are words directly from the delegates:

"We set out to meet with government officials to call their attention to the international human rights concerns around the case of the Suchitoto 13. We held meetings with Dr. Augustín García Calderón, President of the Supreme Court of Justice; Eduardo Calix, Vice-Minister of Foreign Relations, sent as a delegate of President Saca; Oscar Luna, the Human Rights Ombudsperson of El Salvador; and John Speaks, the secretary in charge of human rights issues in the United States Embassy.

"In each of these meetings, we presented the government representatives with our concerns about human rights violations and informed them that we were in coordination with our Congressional representatives in the US. At the same time we reminded them that 42 US Congresspeople signed letters of concern to President Saca about the case in July, and that this same Congress is responsible for allocating Millennium Challenge Account funds to El Salvador, which are dependent on standards of respect for political rights and ---, among others. We also asked the officials their perspectives on the case and more specific questions depending on their role in government.

"The conclusions that we drew after holding these meetings are available in our delegation report on the Sister Cities website."

"The most powerful and important meetings that the delegation had were with the Suchitoto 13 themselves and with community members from Suchitoto who were witness to and victims of the police repression and military presence on July 2. Meeting with these people and having the opportunity to accompany them as they struggle against this injustice served to inspire and strengthen us in our shared resolve that this case needs to come to a swift and just resolution, and the rights for political expression and assembly that are guaranteed in the Constitution and reasserted by the Peace Accords must be respected."

The delegation received quite a bit of coverage in the Salvadoran media, both throughout the week and following the January 25 press conference that the delegation held to share their conclusions publicly. The media coverage included an hour-and-a-half interview on the national radio station YSUCA, coverage on television Channel 21 and Channel 33, and three full-length articles, including two front page articles, in the Diario Colatino newspaper. The coverage on television Channel 21 included interviews with the Vice-President of El Salvador and the Minister of Foreign Relations of El Salvador, publicly asking their perspectives on the conclusions of the delegation.

Since returning to the United States, the delegation has been in contact with a number of Congresspeople and Senators, including the 42 Congresspeople who sent letters of concern about the case to Salvadoran President Saca last July.

Rural communities and social movement organizations to march from Suchitoto

The communities of CRIPDES, together with other social organizations including CORDES, PROVIDA, and the MPR-12, among others, will be walking from the Central Park in Suchitoto to the Special Tribunal building in San Salvador, with over 1,200 people participating in the three-day walk. The walk has been named the Perigrinacion Nacional por la Verdad, la Justicia y la Libertad Total de los Luchadores y Luchadoras Sociales: the National Pilgrimage for Truth, Justice, and the Total Liberty of the Social Organizers (the Suchitoto 13). Sister Cities will be posting live updates at www.elsalvadorsolidarity.org throughout the three days of the walk.

As the case proceeds in court the coming week

As the case proceeds in court in the coming week, the eyes of the international community are focused on the important precedent the Salvadoran government and judiciary is about to set, and our hearts are with the dozens of communities and hundreds of people marching for justice and the freedom of the political prisoners. Sister Cities will be posting news as soon as it is available, including information about what actions of support we can take. Something we have seen and heard again and again in the past months is about the importance of social organizing and international solidarity in the case of the anti-terrorist law, because it is a case that is not just in the courts, but rather is political, and will depend on political and social action to resolve with justice.

Human Rights Delegation Meets with El Salvador Dignitaries

2008-01-21T14:14:00.000-05:00

Human Rights Delegation from the US Meets with El Salvador Dignitaries Concerning Prosecution of 13 Organizers and Participants in Demonstration Against Water Privatization Under “Anti-Terrorism” Law. Hearing Scheduled for February 8^th, Before Designated Terrorism Tribunal

A human rights delegation from the US will be meeting with the president of El Salvador’s Supreme Court, the government’s Human Rights Ombudsman, the United States Embassy, and representatives of the thirteen being prosecuted and their legal team. The meetings concern the application of El Salvador’s new “Anti-terrorism” law to social protest, a law modeled after the US Patriot Act. A request has been given to meet with Salvadoran President Tony Saca and the Attorney General, as well.

The delegation has been supported so far by letters from US Congressional Representatives Mike Michaud (ME), Baldwin (WI) and Melissa Bean (IL), requesting that officials met with the delegation, whom they will be expecting a report back from. The dates of the delegation are January 19-27, 2008. January 16^th is the 16^th year anniversary of the signing of the Peace Accords. The delegation will be writing a document representing their visit, and will report back to US government representatives, organizations and media on their return. To follow their visit -www.weru.org.

Background:

After signing Inter-American Development Bank loans in 1998, opening the door to water privatization, and 2003 free trade agreements, which push the healthcare system towards privatization, the Salvadoran government has faced increasing resistance from a population opposed to shifts in social services. These same populations also have been resisting the plans of foreign trans-national companies to strip-mine rural communities for minerals, like gold.

In a climate of increased popular resistance, in October 2006, the government, approved decree #108, the “Special Law Against Acts of Terrorism”. The law re-writes several articles of the Salvadoran penal code, including elastic language open for subjective interpretation by police and judges, particularly concerning protest activity. As the SHARE Foundation and the Washington Office on Latin America write “In observations addressed to the Legislative Assembly during the law’s deliberation, the office of the Human Rights Ombudsman highlighted several concerns with the law : its failure to establish criteria for a precise definition of terrorism; sentences disproportionate to the severity of the crimes outlined in the law; and the need to ensure that the law would not lead to the criminalization of protest."

The terrorism law additionally abrogates basic tenets of due process and imposes penalties of up to 60 years in prison for infractions that previously were constitutionally protected as freedom of expression.

The government first attempted to apply the law to demonstrators for the Vendors Movement last May. In July, however, fourteen organizers and participants of a mass demonstration against “water decentralization”, seen as the first step towards privatization, were arrested. Thirteen have been charged with “Acts of Terrorism” and await a February 8^th hearing before an extra-judicial special tribunal convened for the trial under the terrorism law..Two of the organizers charged are the president and vice-president of the Association of Rural Communities for the Development of El Salvador (CRIPDES), a leading and historic advocacy organization. Additionally charged is an accompanying journalist and driver. All were only on route to the demonstration when arrested. Riot police responded violently to the demonstration, also chasing participants from rural communities through the hills with helicopters, tactics reminiscent of the war. For nearly a month the group was held in “preventative detention” under squalid conditions.

Amnesty International, Reporters Without Borders, Tutela Legal (the human rights monitoring office of the Archdiocese of San Salvador) have all sharply questioned the arrests, the use of excessive force by police, and the misuse of the antiterrorism law. A YouTube video provides footage of the capture by National Civilian Police of the two CRIPDES executive officers, the journalist, and driver, which underlines the fact that the activity of those arrested was the attempt to attend a political demonstration.

In addition to concern expressed by Salvadoran organizations and human rights monitoring groups, the incident and the Salvadoran government’s apparent determination to prosecute the defendants as terrorists, has precipitated widespread concern in the U.S. and in the U.S. Congress. An open letter to President Saca in the Salvadoran Press in July was signed by 60 U.S.-based organizations. Representative Chaka Fattah has entered remarks into the Congressional Record. Rep. Jim McGovern, whose extensive knowledge of El Salvador is well recognized, has written a lengthy letter to President Saca expressing his concerns. A Dear Colleague letter signed by forty-one Congressional Representatives expressing similar concerns was sent to President Saca on August 2.

**The space for the common protests of the social movement of El Salvador has been additionally closed with changes to the country’s Public Disorder Law. On August 16, by a one-vote margin, the national assembly modified article 348 of the Salvadoran Penal Code to change disorderly conduct from a misdemeanor to a felony. Within three weeks of passage, the government proceeded to arrest eight executive board members of the Trade Union of Nursing Workers of El Salvador (SIGEESAL). They were charged with disorderly conduct for having participated in a demonstration in July to protest lack of medicines and privatization of health care services. As with the leaders of CRIPDES, those arrested were eventually released from jail but remain charged with felonies, in this case now punishable by up to eight years in prison.

**Human rights groups additionally question whether the deteriorating human rights situation in El Salvador should invoke questions of accountability and US Congressional oversight, concerning US taxpayer supported development funds and El Salvador’s stated commitment to democratic principles. The $461 million awarded to El Salvador through the Millennium Challenge Account was predicated on specific criteria for “Ruling Justly”, four of whose six salient criteria are “rule of law”, “political rights” “civil liberties,” and “voice and accountability.”

A 2003 Human Rights Watch report published for the 59th session of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights highlighted the degree to which the United States has muted its criticism of poor human rights behavior of governments which have become newfound allies in the “fight against terrorism.“ El Salvador is the only Latin American country to have troops in Iraq. Since July, the Salvadoran government’s behavior has elicited not one public comment from either our State Department or Embassy. Organizations monitoring human and civil rights in El Salvador since the violently repressive civil war years, see the current actions by the government and police forces as a dangerous sign that the climate for political expression is dramatically slipping. A central component of the 1992 Peace Accords in El Salvador, was the creation of a protected space in El Salvador for political expression, free from the extreme repression that originally precipitated the armed conflict. Organizations and community members are questioning whether the Peace Accords are being violated, and also question the constitutionality of the new reforms in the terrorism and public disorder, and it’s apparent aim to chill dissent from the governments policies.

(For interviews and further information, please contact:
US El Salvador Sister Cities Network:
Emily Carpenter, National Director, US-El Salvador Sister Cities (English and Spanish speaking), (514) 664-1074, sistercities@gmail.com
Marc Rosenthal, US-El Salvador Sister Cities (English speaking)
(608) 215-3358, (608) 257-8571

CRIPDES - The Association for Rural Communities for the Development of El Salvador:
Lorena Martinez, CRIPDES (Spanish speaking)
(011-503) 2226-3717, cripdes@telesal.net
Bernardo Belloso, CRIPDES (Spanish speaking)
(011-503) 2226-3717, (011-503) 2235-4005, cripdes@telesal.net )

URGENT ACTION: Help Free the Suchitoto 13

2007-12-13T09:56:00.000-05:00

Bulletin from U.S. - El Salvador Sister Cities Network

URGENT ACTION, December 11th, 2007: THREE STEPS TO FREE THE SUCHITOTO 13 AND SUPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS IN EL SALVADOR!

Dear Friends of Sister Cities,

As we celebrate International Human Rights Day on December 10 and commemorate the victims of the El Mozote Massacre on December 11, it is once again time to take action to protest the violation of human rights and the erosion of civil liberties that our Salvadoran compañeros are facing under the guise of anti-terrorism. It is time to take action again in the case of the Suchitoto 13. You can see the previous reports and all the context at www.elsalvadorsolidarity.org. In this case, the prosecution has until February 8, 2008 to present their accusations, witnesses, and evidence. As the February hearing approaches, CRIPDES has called for concentrated spurts of international action to put pressure on the Salvadoran government and demand that all charges be dropped against the Suchitoto 13. Today, we urge you to take the following actions - these three small steps can make a big difference. Send out these letters, in full, or a shorter modified version to your own liking. (You can even make phone calls and send faxes if you are so moved!) But it is important to send something, and every bit helps.

1. Contact Salvadoran President Antonio Saca

Send the first email message below to President Antonio Saca, and send a copy (cc) the President of the Supreme Court, the Attorney General of El Salvador, and the Judge of the Special Tribunal Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz. Please also bcc us at esaction@gmail.com so we can track the response rate.

Send To: fmelgar@presidencia.gob.sv
And CC: conchita_lopez@csj.gob.sv , fgsafie@fgr.gob.sv, lucila_fuentes@yahoo.com
BCC: esaction@gmail.com

2. Contact US Ambassador to El Salvador , Charles Glazer

Send the second email message below to Ambassador Glazer.

Send To: glazerCL@state.gov
BCC: esaction@gmail.com

3. Call the State Department El Salvador Desk

Call: 202-647-3505 and ask for Jeremy Cornforth at the State Department El Salvador Desk. Give him a similar message to that which you sent to Ambassador Glazer. If you are doubtful, check out the following sample script:

Sample Script: Hello, my name is______ and I am calling to express my continued concern for the 13 activists arrested in Suchitoto on July 2 and charged with Acts of Terrorism. I ask that the US State Department publicly oppose the use of anti-terrorist tribunals as a pretext to criminalize dissent and demand that the Salvadoran government drop all charges against the Suchitoto 13!

==========

(Letter to President Saca) (English version -Spanish follows)

December xx, 2007
Elias Antonio Saca
Presidente de la Republica de El Salvador
El Salvador, Centroamerica

Dear President Saca:

I'm writing again to express my concern about the case of the 13 protestors arrested in Suchitoto on July 2nd and subsequently charged as terrorists, and to demand that all charges against them be dropped immediately.

As you know, on July 2, 2007, the National Civilian Police ( PNC) and National Riot Police (UMO) violently repressed a peaceful protest against water privatization in Suchitoto, El Salvador . Four members of the social organization CRIPDES (Association for the Development of El Salvador ) were arrested when their truck was stopped by police forces before they ever arrived at the protest site. Over the course of the day, police arrested 10 more community members and injured dozens more with beatings, rubber bullets, and tear gas. 13 of the people arrested continue to be charged with Acts of Terrorism under El Salvador's Decree #108, "Special Law Against Acts of Terrorism". The accused were granted only conditional liberty and Special Tribunal Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz granted prosecution an extension to present their evidence. The extension expires early next year, on February 8th.

As the February hearing approaches, people around the world are expressing mounting concern for the Suchitoto 13 and overall democracy and human rights in El Salvador. The actions taken under your leadership against the July 2nd protestors represent violations of The Constitution of the Republic of El Salvador , the 1992 Salvadoran Peace Agreements, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They also represent a violation of the terms for "Ruling Justly" of the $461 million in development funds allocated to El Salvador by the United States for 2007 through 2011 through the Millennium Challenge Account.

In the name of democracy and human rights, I call on you to see that all charges against the Suchitoto 13 are dropped, that the right to peaceful protest is respected in El Salvador. I will continue to monitor closely the situation and have once again contacted the US State Department about my concerns.

Thank you.

Sincerely,

(Letter to Saca -Spanish Version)

Excelentisimo Presidente Saca,

Le escribo una vez mas para expresar mi grave preocupación por el caso de los 13 personas arrestadas en Suchitoto el 2 de Julio, y posteriormente acusados de terroristas, así como para exigirle el sobreseimiento total de los cargos.

Como usted sabrá, el pasado 2 de julio de 2007 agentes de la Policía Nacional Civil y Unidad de Mantenimiento de Orden (UMO) reprimieron violentamente una protesta pacífica en contra de la privatización del agua que tomaba lugar en Suchitoto. 4 miembros de la organización social CRIPDES (Asociación para el Desarrollo de El Salvador) fueron arrestados cuando su vehiculo fue detenido incluso antes de llegar al lugar de la protesta. En el transcurso del día, la policía arrestó a 10 personas mas, y hirió a docenas con golpes, balas de goma, y gases. 13 de las personas arrestadas continúan bajo cargos de Actos de Terrorismo de acuerdo al Decreto #108 "Ley Especial Contra Actos de Terrorismo." Los acusados lograron únicamente la libertad condicional, mientras la Jueza Especial Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz otorgó una prórroga a la fiscalía para presentar su evidencia. La prórroga se vence el otro año, el 8 de febrero del 2008.

Mientras se acerca la audiencia de febrero, personas alrededor del mundo están expresando su creciente preocupación por los 13 de Suchitoto y el estado de la democracia y derechos humanos en El Salvador. Las acciones tomadas bajo su liderazgo y durante su gestión en contra de las personas arrestadas el 2 de julio representan violaciones en contra de la Constitución de la Republica de El Salvador, los Acuerdos de Paz firmados en 1992, y la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas. Asimismo representan una violación de los términos "Gobernar con Justicia" que es requisito para los $461 millones en fondos para el desarrollo canalizados hacia El Salvador de los Estados Unidos para el 2007- 2011 a través de la Cuenta de los Fondos del Milenio. En nombre de la democracia y los derechos humanos, le hago el llamado a que asegure el sobreseimiento total de los cargos contra los arrestados en Suchitoto el 2 de julio, y el respeto al derecho de la protesta pacífica en El Salvador. Continuaré monitoreando de cerca los acontecimientos de esta situación y otra ves he contactado el Departamento de Estado de los EE.UU. para también comunicar mis preocupaciones. Gracias.

Atentamente,

CC: Dr. Agustín García Calderón
Presidente de La Corte Suprema de Justicia
Centro de Gobierno
San Salvador, El Salvador
Telefono: (503) 2271-8888 Extensión. 1403
Fax: (503) 2271-8758
Email: conchita_lopez@csj.gob.sv

Félix Garrid Safie
Fiscal General de la Republica
Colonia San Francisco, Calle Los Abetos # 85
San Salvador, El Salvador
Teléfono: 011-(503) 2249-8604
Fax: 011-(503) 2249-8605
Email: fgsafie@fgr.gob.sv

Licenciada: Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz
Juzgado Especializado de Instrucción de San Salvador
Teléfono: 011-503-2264-1180 (or 1181)
Fax: 001-503-2264-1191
Email: lucila_fuentes2005@yahoo.com

==========

(Letter to Ambassador Glazer)

December xx, 2007

Ambassador Charles Glazer
Embassy of the United States to El Salvador
Colonia Santa Elena San Salvador, El Salvador

Dear Ambassador Glazer:

13 of the people arrested continue to be charged with Acts of Terrorism under El Salvador's Decree #108, "Special Law Against Acts of Terrorism". The accused were granted only conditional liberty and Special Tribunal Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz granted prosecution an extension to present their evidence. The extension expires early next year, on February 8th.

As the February hearing approaches, people around the world are expressing mounting concern for the Suchitoto 13 and overall democracy and human rights in El Salvador. The actions taken by Salvadoran authorities against the July 2nd protestors represent violations of The Constitution of the Republic of El Salvador, the 1992 Salvadoran Peace Agreements, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They also represent a violation of the terms for "Ruling Justly" of the $461 million in development funds allocated to El Salvador by the United States for 2007 through 2011 through the Millennium Challenge Account.

In the name of democracy and human rights, I call on you, the US Ambassador to El Salvador, to publicly oppose the use of anti-terrorist tribunals as a pretext to criminalize dissent and demand that the Salvadoran government drop all charges against the Suchitoto 13. I will continue to monitor closely the situation and would appreciate any updates you have on the US State Department's perspective. Thank you.

Sincerely,

An El Salvador Alert: Crucial AND Easy!!

2007-10-03T15:57:00.000-04:00

Dear friends of Sister City:

Thanks for taking action to help free the Suchitoto 13 and support Human Rights in El Salvador! Your actions are critical to ensure that the thirteen are cleared of all charges and that Salvadorans can express themselves without fear of persecution.

We know many alerts are too complicated and time consuming. So here are three messages we urge you to send, and the addresses they should go to. You can copy and past them, or with two more minutes you can add or subtract a line or two if you wish. Your action will tremendously amplify our message, which could mean "terrorist" trials of 13 Salvadorans including the CRIPDES leaders we work with would be stopped. And that would be fantastic.

Here is the background and strategy in a few lines:

El Salvador is using a Patriot Act inspired Anti-Terror Statute to try to imprison CRIPDES leaders for up to 60 years. The Salvadoran government has also made "disorderly conduct" a felony punishable by 8 years. Their intent is to criminalize political expression. Why? They're threatened by campaigns against mining, water and health care privatization. We're initiating a 2-week campaign to press for congressional hearings about El Salvador's civil liberties violations in light of U.S. taxpayer support. The trials could start October 7.

The 3 Letters: -- Please E-mail! Calls/faxes would be a bonus!:

1. michael.brownlie@mail.house.gov (or E-mail Rep. Tom Allen: megan.murphy@mail.house.gov)

Dear Rep Michaud (or Rep. Allen),

I'm concerned that the Salvadoran Government plans to try members of the Association for the Development of El Salvador (CRIPDES) as terrorists for participating in a demonstration against water privatization. And I'm upset that U.S. taxpayers are subsidizing a government campaign against civil liberties in that country.
I hope you will do anything you can to contact the Salvadoran government and our own embassy to stop these trials and to repeal laws used to criminalize legitimate political expression. Please also work with your Congressional colleagues to look into these matters further.

2. GlazerCL@state.gov (phone 011-503-2501-2999 x2003)

Dear Ambassador Glazer,

I'm concerned that the Salvadoran government plans to try members of the Association for the Development of El Salvador (CRIPDES) as terrorists for participating in a demonstration against water privatization. And I'm upset that U.S. taxpayers are subsidizing the Salvadoran government's campaign against civil liberties in that country.
Please to do what you can to urge the Salvadoran government to drop all charges, and state publicly our that our government does not support using the legal system to make political expression a crime.
I am contacting my Congressperson with these same concerns.

3. fmelgar@presidencia.gob.sv Pres. Saca's fax (English is fine)
correo@elsalvador.org (phone 202-265-9671 , fax 202-232-3763) for ES ambassador to the U.S. Leon Rodriguez (speaks English)

Dear President Saca,

I am upset that your government continues its plan to try 13 citizens, including leaders of CRIPDES, as Terrorists. I am also upset that your government has now made disturbing the peace a felony punishable by long prison terms. I don't think that U.S. taxpayer dollars should support El Salvador's efforts to make legitimate political expression a crime. I urge you to drop charges against those arrested in Suchitoto.
I am contacting my Congressperson and your ambassador in my country, with these concerns, as well.

cc: Hon. Rene Antonio León Rodríguez

(You can read the full alert, with more details and longer sample letters, on the US-El Salvador Sister Cities Web site.)

Thank you,

Jon
--
Jonathan Falk, Director
Peace through Interamerican Community Action
170 Park St.
Bangor, ME 04401
207-947-4203
www.pica.ws

Citizens Not Terrorists: Free the Suchitoto 13 Update September 21, 2008

2007-09-26T07:21:00.000-04:00

The Suchitoto 13 have continued to organize for freedom and economic justice despite the ongoing case against them. Still charged with Acts of Terrorism and Injuries, and facing up to 60 years in jail, Lorena, Rosa, Haydeé, Manuel, and the rest of the accused have been continuing their work, as well as making sure to comply with the terms of their provisional liberty, including showing up at the Special Tribunal every 2 weeks.

Following the original decree of 3 months preventative detention, Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz had set a September 28th deadline for the prosecution to present its evidence. After this September 28th date, Judge Fuentes de Paz would then set a court date within the following 30 days.

The Prosecution Requests an Extension:

Just this week, we have received news that the Attorney General's Office, through Judge Fuentes de Paz has solicited a 6 month extension for the deadline to present evidence, which would effectively move the projected court date well into next year. The prosecution cites the complexity of the case, saying that it has solicited information from various public institutions and has yet to carry out a quantity of interviews. Judge Fuentes has accepted the request for an extension, and now formally the Judges of the Special Tribunal, Lic. Sandra Chicas and Lic. Gloria Lizama, must rule on the request or grant a lesser extension.

CRIPDES, the MPR-12 and the Committee of Family Members of Political Prisoners, along with the accused themselves, coincide in concluding that this request for an extension is a clear indicator that the prosecution has thus far been unable to collect substantial evidence against the defendants, and a sign of the political intentions behind the case, obliging the defendants to continue to carry out the terms of their provisional liberty, and live with the fear of a steep jail sentence.

Upon the news of the extension request, CRIPDES, the MPR-12 and the Committee of Family Members of Political Prisoners began a demonstration and a fast for 48 hours in front of the Legislative Assembly and Supreme Court buildings. The defense lawyers are still waiting for the Supreme Court to rule on a motion of Habeas Corpus as well as an appeal to declare unconstitutional the Special Law Against Acts of Terrorism, and the Law against Organized Crime. Dr. Agustín García Calderón, the President of the Supreme Court, declined to meet with the fasters.

Journalist Assassinated:

The morning of September 20th, as he was leaving his home the journalist Salvador Sánchez was brutally assassinated. Sánchez worked as a reporter for Mayavision Radio, the YSUCA Radio and the Radio Cadena "Mi Gente".

Salvador Sánchez had been one of the journalists that had given the most direct and honest coverage of the events leading up to and following the arrest of the Suchitoto 13, and had been in direct contact with leaders from CRIPDES and the Committee of Family Members of Political Prisoners. Officials have alluded to personal enemies and delinquency as the possible explanations of Sanchez's assassination, though the Director of the Natinal Civilian Police Force (PNC) also said Sanchez had received death threats. Social movement leaders are worried that political motives may hide behind the high levels of crime and violence prevalent in Salvadoran society. In an official statement the MPR-12 maintains that they "do not discard the idea that the recent [assassination] may be linked to the journalistic work... that Salvador Sánchez carried out." Salvadoran organizations are demanding that the Attorney General and the National Civilian Police force (PNC) carry out an in depth investigation into the killing of Salvador Sánchez.

Take a minute and read these statements from the Committee of Family Members of Political Prisoners in El Salvador, and the statement from the Popular Resistance Movements October 12th, MPR-12. Highly recommended!

El Salvador Citizens not Terrorists Campaign Update

2007-07-31T12:41:00.000-04:00

El Salvador Update: Prisoners Granted Conditional Liberty, Terrorism Trial and the Struggle for Free Speech and the Right to Organize Continue.

(As always, for full information check out www.elsalvadorsolidarity.org)

July 27th: This morning the 9 remaining prisoners originally captured last July 2nd in Suchitoto were granted conditional liberty, and left their respective jails. Marta Lorena Araujo Martínez, Rosa María Centeno Valle, Manuel Antonio Rodríguez Escalante, Héctor Antonio Ventura Vásquez, Vicente Vázquez Bacilio, Marta Yanira Méndez, Clemente Guevara Bátrez, Santos Noé Mancía Ramírez and Patricio Valladares Aquino were granted liberty by Judge Ana Lucila Fuentes de Paz, who had originally decreed their provisional detention weeks earler, and were assigned probation measures that prohibit them from leaving the country, changing their place of residence and that demands that they present themselves to the courthouse every 15 days. The charges against all 13 continue, and the rest of the 3 month period decreed by Judge Fuentes de Paz is expected to culminate with a trial under the anti-terrorism law.

This afternoon rural community members from Suchitoto and around the country came together with leaders of the Salvadoran social movement and the newly freed CRIPDES organizers to share testimony, and celebrate this partial victory.

Amid hugs and tears Marta Lorena Martinez, the President of CRIPDES took the microphone and thanked the representatives of social movement and solidarity organizations present for playing a role in winning this step toward definitive liberation. “We have been struggling alongside with you for the last 25 days, just in a different, darker, and harsher battlefield” said Martinez, giggling at her own reference to the Ilopango women’s prison. “And we owe our strength to each one of you who has spoken out for us.”

CRIPDES-CCR (Chalatenango Province) leader Isabel Membreño also spoke out to highlight the lessons from this victory. “In this most recent struggle, we have learned first and foremost who we are, that is, who we were, and who we continue to be: a strong, peaceful and revolutionary people who have proven to the world again that when we organize together we have the ability to defeat any strategy that our government chooses to employ against us.”

Lorena Martinez again described the Salvadoran government’s strategy: “First 1 year ago with the case of Belloso, and most recently this past July 2nd, our government has kicked-off a clear strategy of terror on the part of the State…. These most recent actions and arrests have taken the mask off of the government rhetoric, and are nothing more than a reflection of [President] Saca’s fear. He is under immense pressure from the elite of our country to protect the economic system, and for this reason he is afraid of our struggles to ensure that Suchitoto always has drinking water, to ensure that all communities have a legal right to land, and to create a country where every person fits, with justice and dignity. This time the Government has made a mistake, because every day we spent in jail was a day that the eyes of the world were fixed on his malicious intentions.”

With her eloquent words, Lorena also shows the way for our ongoing work in the “Citizens not Terrorists” campaign. It of course begins by celebrating this victory. Hugo Flores, a CORDES/CRIPDES leader said that: “[minister of security Rene] Figueroa wanted to keep you in jail for 3 months… He couldn’t even stand the strength of our national and international mobilization and pressure for 1 full month!” The release on conditional liberty of the prisoners is a real sign that the role of international solidarity and advocacy is important, and gives results! And that we need to keep it up to support the legal and political battle to get the charges against the Suchitoto 13 dropped. Those arrested on July 2nd still face jail time of up to 60 years, and an upcoming trial in a special terrorism/organized crime tribunal.

So our first objective is still to free the Suchitoto 13, supporting the legal actions and social and political mobilization of CRIPDES and the social movement.

Our second objective of our Citizens not Terrorist campaign must be to ensure the right of the Salvadoran people to dissent, free speech, protest and organization. This can come through supporting the efforts of the Salvadoran social movement to repeal the Special Law Against Acts of Terrorism, as well as through contact and dialogue with our own government and international institutions to ensure that the Peace Accords signed in 1992 are respected in El Salvador.

These new objectives should be taken into account in our upcoming actions: letters to Salvadoran Government officials, dear colleague letters, call-in days to the E.S. desk at the State Department, and in our discourse on the public stage. The country of El Salvador goes on vacation for the 1st week of August, giving us a little bit of time to again assess and re-orient our campaign, and turn up the heat to support our compañeros and compañeras, brothers and sisters.

At the time this update was posted, Lorena, Rosa, Haydee and Manuel were dancing with their families and 150 or so community leaders and organizers, celebrating this partial victory, all the while reminding each other that “La Lucha Continua…” The Struggle Continues.

Verdict for political prisoners in El Salvador, and what happens next

2007-07-09T10:29:00.000-04:00

PICA Friends-

Last week I sent out a series of alerts concerning the arrests of CRIPDES leaders and community members in El Salvador. Thanks to all of you who contacted Salvadoran officials and the US Embassy. On Saturday, at a preliminary hearing, the judge granted liberty to Facundo Dolores García, from the community of Santa Eduviges, in Suchitoto. The judge maintained the charges of terrorism for the other 13 detainees and has decreed "Preventative Prison" for 3 months for them. They could ultimately face prison terms of up to 40 years.

According to US-El Salvador Sister Cities, " The guilty verdict appears to be provisional, granting another 3 months to collect more evidence to substantiate and give a definitive sentence under the Anti-Terrorism law, or present more arguments for the defense. We understand that the defense is allowed to submit an appeal within 3 days, beginning on Monday."

USESSC and other organizations will be meeting today to consider how best to respond to these events, support our colleagues in CRIPDES, and defend the Salvadoran popular movement. As soon as decisions are made about a strategy for proceeding, and there are concrete actions for us to take here in Maine, I will let you all know.

If you haven't already visited the site, the USESSC Web site has an excellent hour-by-hour account of the events at the hearing on Saturday, which not only provides a lot of factual information, but gives a real sense of the nature of the struggle that is unfolding -

Adelante,

Jon Falk

URGENT RESPONSE NEEDED: CRIPDES Members and Leaders Charged with Terrorism

2007-07-05T16:49:00.000-04:00

PICA Friends-

Your urgent action is needed! In what appears to be a clear escalation of the repression against the Salvadoran popular movement, 4 national leaders of CRIPDES have been arrested and charged under that country's "anti-terrorism" laws. Their preliminary hearing is scheduled for this Saturday, July 7, so a fast response is essential. The message below from US - El Salvador Sister Cities has details, sample letters, and Salvadoran and US officials who should be called, faxed, or E-mailed.

Marta Lorena Araujo, the president of CRIPDES, has visited Bangor, and has met with many of us on our delegations to El Salvador. Please help send the message to the Saca government that this assault on human rights can not be allowed to go unchallenged.

Jon Falk
PICA Director

***********************************************************

Breaking News: The Case Takes a Dangerous Turn; CRIPDES Members and Leaders Charged with Terrorism

We learned late Wednesday night that the 13 people arrested last Monday, July 2, including CRIPDES leaders and community members, are now being charged with “Creating Public Disorder, Destruction of Property and Acts of Terrorism.” They will be tried under the new Anti-Terrorism Law, (read the specifics here) created by the Salvadoran government and President Saca. This means that they are taken out of the provincial court system and will be tried in special tribunals, created specifically for cases under this law.

Everything seems to indicate that these arrests were strategically planned by the government to discourage social protest and take apart the Salvadoran social movement. There are reports that the Attorney General has planned to call on witnesses from within the National Civilian Police (PNC) and Riot Police (UMO). At the time of publication of this message, CRIPDES members and supporters from the rural communities have peacefully gathered outside the courthouse in San Salvador, the UMO Riot Police has surrounded the entire block, with helicopters circling overhead.

Charges were heard this morning, and preliminary information puts the public hearing of the case for this Saturday, July 7, at 10:00 am.

This turns up the pressure for action on our part. Under the anti-terrorism law possible jail time can reach nearly 40 years! We need to show our solidarity now more than ever, and let the government know that CRIPDES leaders are not terrorists!

Please send faxes and emails to:

1. Excelentísimo Sr. Elías Antonio Saca, Presidente de El Salvador:

Telephone (country code 503) 2248-9000.

Fax (503) 2243-7857 / (503) 2243-9930.

2. Lic. Felix Garrid Safie, Fiscal General de la república de El Salvador (Attorney General of El Salvador)

Telephone (country code 503) 2249-8412 / (503) 2249-8749

Fax (503) 2528-6096

E-mail: fgsafie@fgr.gob.sv

3. Dr. Agustín García Calderón,: Presidente de la Corte Suprema de Justicia (President of the Supreme Court of El Salvador)

Telephone (country code 503) 2231-8300, (503) 2271-8888.

Fax (503) 2243-9930, (503) 22437857.

Web-Page: www.csj.gob.sv

4. Charles L. Glazer, U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador

Telephone (country code 503) 2278-4444

Fax: (503) 2278-6011

Web-Page: www.sansalvador.usembassy.gov

Also please contact your congressional representatives and urge them to pressure the Salvadoran government about this situation!

Again, the timeline of events and new sample letters are below. Changes include stronger language around the charges of terrorism. (also please note that we have taken "affiliation" off the letter. If you are affiliated with a civic or religous group, feel free to put it on, but we would like to refrain from writing "US-El Salvador Sister Cities" as our direct affiliation.

----------------------TIMELINE OF EVENTS-------------------------

- A non-violent protest had been organized in Suchitoto for Monday morning, July 2nd, 2007. The protest was organized by the Association for the Development of El Salvador (CRIPDES), its regional branch in Suchitoto (PROGRESO), and the people of the organized rural communities in that municipality, as well as the the Union of Water Workers (SETA) and a number of other social organizations.

- This protest coincided with the visit of President Elias Antonio Saca and his cabinet to Suchitoto. The purpose of this visit was to inaugurate the public water system in the municipality and with it a “Plan for the Decentralization of Public Services,” a policy which is viewed as a step towards privatization of the public water system. The communities, organized and accompanied by CRIPDES, staged a demonstration and other public protest activities around the visit of President Saca and in opposition to the movement toward privatization of water.

- Four members of the Association for the Development of El Salvador (CRIPDES) were arrested before their vehicle reached the protest, when their vehicle was stopped by National Civilian Police (PNC) several kilometres before they arrived in Suchitoto, outside the community of Milingo. There a police car pulled in front of them and blocked their path, and officers forcefully arrested the following people: Marta Lorena Araujo, President of the CRIPDES National Directive Council; Rosa Valle Centeno, Vice-President CRIPDES National Directive Council; María Haydee Chicas, CRIPDES journalist and photographer; and Manuel Antonio Rodriguez, driving the CRIPDES vehicle.

- Manuel Antonio Rodriguez, the driver of the vehicle, was struck violently by police officers immediately after the officers approached the car. All four CRIPDES members were handcuffed and thrown into an army vehicle, which took them through back roads to the police station in Suchitoto.

- Shortly thereafter, the CRIPDES leaders arrested were taken from Suchitoto police station to Cojutepeque, the capitol of the Cuscatlán Province. From there they were then taken to the police station in Santa Cruz Analquitos, to the south of Cojutepeque. As of July 4, all the detainees were being held once more in Cojutepeque.

- Those arrested were charged with “Creating Public Disorder,” and lawyers who had been in contact with the police headquarters in Cojutepeque confirmed that their case will be designated under those charges to the Cojutepeque departmental attorneys and court system. Under Salvadoran law the departmental prosecutors have 72 hours (that is, until late morning or midday on the 5^th of July) to present charges at a public hearing.

- Despite the charges of “Creating Public Disorder,” the CRIPDES leaders arrested never came close to the protest activities being carried out in Suchitoto. News footage shown on the Salvadoran Tele-Corporation (TCS) channels clearly showed the police vehicle overtaking the CRIPDES truck on the paved road between Suchitoto and San Martín, swerving in front and stopping the CRIPDES leaders. The video also shows the police forcefully removing the passengers from the pick-up truck, and taking them away in handcuffs, several kilometres away from where the protest took place. (Some news footage can be viewed at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-e9Npsw4Xl8. Also watch this video for footage of the arrests.)

- When news of the arrest reached the protesters in Suchitoto on the morning of July 2, the people moved from the central park protest site to the police station to demand information and the liberation of those arrested.

- The police found themselves surrounded, and called in the “UMO” (Unit for Maintenance of Order) Riot Police, who forcefully dispersed the crowds with tear gas, rubber bullets and wooden batons.

- Repression of the protest was not limited to the crowd at the police station; rather it was widespread. As of the evening of July 3, preliminary reports indicate that a total of 13 people were arrested (including the 4 CRIPDES members and 9 local community members), 25 injured by rubber bullets, 18 suffering serious effects of tear gas, 2 hospitalized, and an undetermined number beaten by police officers.

- In the community of Guillermo Ungo, several kilometres south of Suchitoto, where the UMO riot police attacked community members on the road on their way to the Suchitoto protests, again using rubber bullets and tear gas, forcing the community members to flee into the hills. Police also entered the homes of community members in Guillermo Ungo without legal warrant to do so.

- Fleeing community members were followed by the UMO riot police and the Police Reaction Groups (GRPs) by land and by air for more than 4 hours, with several arrests made. School classes in the nearby community were suspended because of the effects of the tear gas.

- The local community members captured report psychological intimidation after their arrest. One report reveals that detainees were taken in a helicopter above Lago Suchitlán and told by the police holding them that they were going to be thrown out of the helicopter.

- These specific tactics of repression, intimidation, persecution by helicopter, and invasion of homes are reminiscent of the most painful and disturbing moments of the armed conflict in El Salvador during the 1980’s. This repressive events of July 2 represent a step backwards in the process of building democracy that was proposed with the signing of the Peace Accords of 1992.

- Meanwhile, on the same morning as the protests in Suchitoto, the PNC and Salvadoran Armed Forces concluded a massive operation of some 300 officers who worked to capture Mario Belloso, the man accused of killing two police officers during a protest last July. Belloso was apprehended in his own home during the early morning and then paraded in front of news cameras shortly thereafter. The story filled newspaper and television reports and gave Minister of Security Rene Figueroa and PNC Director Rodrigo Avila the opportunity to attack youth organizations and the FMLN, insinuating that these groups have been aiding Belloso in his efforts to evade arrest over the last year.

- In the raid of Belloso’s home, the PNC claims to have found FMLN paraphernalia, along with specific documents in his computer that tie him to various youth organizations. Perhaps the most ridiculous claim made by President Saca is that Belloso was the “intellectual author” of the disturbances in Suchitoto; Figuero and Avila, meanwhile, accused the FMLN of being behind the protests. In an official communiqué following the arrest of Belloso the FMLN stated that, “We reject and repudiate the coarse pretenses of extreme right-wing politicians, as well as certain news media aligned with the party in power, who are blaming our party for the regretful events of July 5, 2006. Only perverse minds would have the courage to make such unfounded accusations”. Human Rights Office ombudswoman Beatrice de Carrillo called the arrest a “political show” by the government, while Ricardo Alfaro Barahona of the Forum for the Defense of the Constitution raised questions about the timing of the arrest, as it coincided precisely with the police repression in Suchitoto.

-------------------------------------SAMPLE LETTER-----------------------------------

Sample Letter (Spanish):

5 de julio, 2007

(Title and Name)

Le escribo para expresar mi grave preocupación por las recientes acciones de represión realizadas en contra de la población rural en el Municipio de Suchitoto, así como la captura violenta y arbitraria de líderes de las comunidades.

La desmedida reacción policial se produjo contra la población en manifestación pacífica contra la privatización del agua, que no es otra cosa que la expresión legítima de descontento social ante las políticas anti-populares. Este tipo de acción represiva evidencia la violación de derechos humanos y amenazas a la libertad de organización y expresión. Los golpes, capturas, cateos, persecución y sobrevuelo de helicópteros traen a la memoria los momentos más difíciles para la población rural durante el conflicto armado, y veo con alarma este retroceso en el proceso de construcción de la democracia iniciado con los acuerdos de paz.

A la vez quiero denunciar la captura violenta de 13 personas incluyendo líderes de las comunidades y la organización no-gubernamental, CRIPDES, entre ellos Marta Lorena Araujo, Rosa María Centeno, María Haydee Chicas, y Manuel Antonio Rodríguez. Exijo para ellos el respeto a su integridad física y moral, y el proceso justo de ley que lleve a su inmediata liberación.

Por último quiero expresar mi solidaridad con las comunidades rurales y con CRIPDES en su labor a favor del desarrollo social y económico del país, un trabajo que he visto importante para la construcción de paz y democracia. Rechazo cualquier alegación directa o indirecta para vincular a CRIPDES con actividades terroristas, y asimismo los cargos de esta índole presentados contra ellos. Las personas arrestadas no son terroristas ni deben ser juzgadas bajo la ley anti-terrorista; son ciudadanos comprometidos con la justicia y el desarrollo de su país, y no deben ser criminalizadas.

Atentamente,

(your name)

Translation (send the Spanish version, though)

July 5, 2007

(Title and Name)

I am writing to express my grave concern about the recent actions of repression carried out against the rural population in the Municipality of Suchitoto, as well as the violent and arbitrary capture of community leaders.

The disproportionate police reaction against the population came in response to a non violent protest against the privatization of water, a legitimate expression of social discontent toward policies that hurt the people. This type of repressive action gives evidence of the violation of human rights and threats to the freedom of organization and expression. Beatings, arrests, searches, persecution and helicopter fly-overs bring to memory the most difficult moments for the rural population during the past armed conflict, and I am alarmed by this step backwards in the process of building democracy that was proposed with the signing of the peace accords.

As well I want to denounce the violent arrests of 13 people including leaders from the communities and the non-governmental organization, CRIPDES, among them Marta Lorena Araujo, Rosa María Centeno, María Haydee Chicas, and Manuel Antonio Rodríguez. I ask that you respect their physical and moral integrity, and follow the just process of law that leads to their immediate release.

Finally, I want to express my solidarity with the rural communities and with CRIPDES in their work for the social and economic development of the country, which I have seen to be very important for the construction of lasting peace and democracy. I reject any direct or indirect allegations that try to link CRIPDES with terrorist activities, as well as the charges of this nature brought against them. Those arrested are not terrorists nor should they be tried under the anti-terrorism law; they are citizens committed to justice and the development of their country and should not be criminalized.

Sincerely,

(your name)

April 13 talk by Charles Hardy:"Cowboy in Caracas"

2007-04-08T11:40:00.000-04:00

Cowboy in Caracas:

One North American's

Life in Venezuela

a talk by

Charles Hardy

Friday, April 13

7:00 p.m.

Peace and Justice Center of Eastern Maine

170 Park St., Bangor

A former priest turned journalist, Charles Hardy has lived in Venezuela for eight years, where he has been a witness to history: the discontent that brought Venezuelan Hugo Chávez Frias to power, the U.S.-orchestrated coup that briefly toppled him, and the peaceful, democratic revolution that returned him to the Presidency and has been transforming the lives of Venezuela's poor.

His memoir, Cowboy in Caracas, has just been published by Curbstone Press and is already receiving rave reviews:

"Read this important book, and drop the propaganda sandwich in the trash where it belongs." --Peter Coyote, actor/writer

"Charles Hardy has given us a unique perspective on the Chávista revolution as viewed from a cardboard shack on a hillside barrio in Caracas. Writing in a graceful and conversational style in a series of vignettes, Hardy conveys with genuine affection and admiration the dignity and courage of the ordinary people of Venezuela.... This book is a must read for all Americans--but a must read that you won't be able to put down." --Dave Lindorff, columnist for Counterpunch and co-author with Barbara Olshansky of The Case for Impeachment

"This book is an antidote to the poisonous US government mantra against Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. Ironically, 'Cowboy' isn't about Chávez, but about the exciting processes he has helped initiate and about the awakening of Venezuela's poor whom the US media neglects." --Saul Landau, author of A Bush & Botox World

April 12 talk by Bob St. Peter - "Local Food in a Global Context

2007-04-08T11:30:00.000-04:00

PICA's Comida Justa y Local/Fair and Local Food Committee presents

LOCAL FOOD IN A

GLOBAL CONTEXT

a talk by

Bob St. Peter

Director, Good Life Center

Thursday, April 12

7:00 P.M.

Peace and Justice Center of Eastern Maine

170 Park St., Bangor

Bob St. Peter is a third generation Mainer from Caribou with a passion for promoting and creating just, sustainable, and self-governing communities. He currently serves as Director of the Good Life Center, which works to "perpetuate the philosophies and lifeways promoted and exemplified by Helen and Scott Nearing, two of America's most inspirational practitioners of simple, frugal and purposeful living." In Spring 2005, Bob founded the Independent Food Project (IFP) to promote community food security and to raise awareness about the negative social, economic, and ecological effects of our industrialized food system. IFP has recently merged with GE Free Maine to become the umbrella group Food for Maine's Future, where Bob serves as a board member and the volunteer Food Independence Campaign Coordinator. He is currently working with the Protect Maine Farmer's campaign, a project of Food for Maine's Future, to pass legislation in Maine that will protect all farmers from negative impacts of GMO contamination.

In addition to his commitment to preserving traditional farming in Maine, Bob has also worked on food, poverty, and rural sustainability issues internationally as the development director for Sustainable Harvest International. Bob serves on the advisory board of the Maine Marijuana Policy Initiative and is an advocate for ending the prohibition of marijuana and hemp as a matter of civil and human rights. He is a freelance writer, subsistence farmer, popular educator, and a devoted husband and father. Much like Scott Nearing, Bob has chosen a simpler life devoted to work with head and hands as a way of limiting his involvement in the current economy. He views this lifestyle as one way to work towards creating change in a world rife with exploitation and over-consumption.

His talk will be the first in a monthly series of educational events organized by PICA's Comida Justa y Local/ Fair and Local Food Committee. The committee is organizing a campaign to connect farmers and farmworkers with consumers, building an alliance to work together for a world in which everyone has enough to eat, those who produce our food are paid and treated fairly, food is grown and processed in ways that are healthy for our bodies and the land, and that sustain rural communities.

Building on twenty years of experience building connections between people working for justice in Maine and El Salvador, PICA is dedicated to building solidarity across geographic and cultural borders in the struggle to create just, democratic, and sustainable communities.

This weekend's UM-Farmington Water Commons Symposium postposed

2007-03-21T12:48:00.000-04:00

This weekend's conference, "Who Owns Maine's Water? A Symposium on Water Commons," scheduled to be held March 24 at UM Farmington, has been postponed until later in the spring, due to the cancellation of 2 of the keynote speakers.

According to symposium organizer Kate Harris:

"Two of our keynote speakers have had to suddenly cancel, so we've decided to postpone this Saturday's Water Commons Symposium until mid-June. First Claudia Torrelli received news that her grandmother had taken seriously ill in Uruguay, so she's returned home, but we were going to go on without her. Then we learned that Maude Barlow was mugged this past weekend in Brussels and had all her personal effects, including her passport, birth certificate and driver's license, stolen. It took great effort for her to get home to Canada, and now she can't fly into Maine from Canada (passport required) until she replaces her passport (6-8 weeks from when she replaces her birth certificate), and it was pretty much impossible for her to get here from Ottawa without a driver's license. Plus, she's quite understandably shaken."

For more information, go to defendingwaterinmaine.org.

Jon Falk

Maine Water Conference 3/24 at UMF

2007-03-09T14:35:00.000-05:00

Who Owns Maine's Water? A Symposium on Water Commons
Saturday, March 24th, from 9:30am-4:30pm
University of Maine - Farmington
Presented by the Defending Water for Life in Maine campaign

Maude Barlow of the Council of Canadians and co-author of Blue Gold: The Fight to Stop Corporate Theft of the World's Water will be a keynote speaker. She will draw on her experience as a leader of the international movement for a right to water in speaking about water as a commons in Maine. She will be joined by Colin Woodard author of The Lobster Coast who will describe the protection of the Maine lobster fisheries as a commons. Rounding out the program, Nancy Price, co-chair of the Alliance for Democracy, will present the "Tapestry of the Commons".

To pre-register, or for further information, visit defendingwaterinmaine.org or contact Kate Harris, conference coordinator, at kate@defendingwaterinmaine.org or (207) 338-9509.

Co-sponsors: PICA (Peace through Interamerican Community Action), SEA-Change (Social & Environmental Activists for Change) of UMaine Farmington, the Maine chapter of the Women's International League for Peace & Freedom, and the Maine Council of Churches Environmental Justice Program.

Talk by Mexicn Human Rights Activist Sunday, March 4, 7:00 PM in Bangor

2007-02-26T11:39:00.000-05:00

Communities Confronting Globalization
a talk by Manuel Mendez Guzman of the Red de Defensores Comunitarios por los Derechos Humanos

Sunday, March 4, 7:00 p.m., Peace and Justice Center of Eastern Maine
sponsored by PICA (Peace through Interamerican Community Action)

Since the Zapatista uprising began on January 1, 1994, (the first day NAFTA went into effect) the Mexican military and paramilitaries have waged a counter insurgency war against Zapatista communities. Thirteen years after the uprising, human rights abuses continue and the entire state of Chiapas is heavily militarized. The Mexico Solidarity Network presents a speaker from the Red de Defensores Comunitarios por los Derechos Humanos (Community Human Rights Defenders Network) to discuss the impact of this "low-intensity" warfare, and what is being done on the ground to resist.

The Red de Defensores is a network of indigenous human rights observers from Zapatista communities in Chiapas, Mexico. The Red, founded in May 2000, is a non-governmental organization dedicated to the promotion and defense of human rights. The Red developed an alternative model of human rights work in which community members who suffer human rights abuses at the hands of the army, paramilitaries, and the federal government assume control of their own defense. Self-determination and autonomy are the guiding principles of the Red de Defensores. The Red is currently made up of 25 community indigenous defenders from eight regions. In each case, the community chose their representative to the Red in a traditional process that assigns "cargos" (tasks) to highly respected members of the community. All of the defensores live in threatened communities that have a history of suffering from human rights abuses.

The representative from the Red de Defensores will:

- Discuss threats to indigenous communities, such as NAFTA, Plan Puebla Panama, and the agricultural crisis in Mexico.
- Discuss human rights abuses in Mexico, their relationship to globalization, and how indigenous communities are working to end the abuses and impunity.
-Promote a sustainable model of international trade based on economic justice.
- Discuss the leadership of women in fair trade cooperatives.

Talk by Mexican Human Rights Activist March 5 at COA

2007-02-24T16:41:00.000-05:00

COLLEGE OF THE ATLANTIC PRESENTS TALK ON GLOBALIZATION BY MEXICAN HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVIST
Manuel Mendez Guzman talks on Communities Confronting Globalization: Autonomy and Human Rights

BAR HARBOR-Manuel Mendez Guzman, a human rights activist from Mexico, will be talking at 7 p.m. on Monday, March 5 at College of the Atlantic's McCormick Lecture Hall as part of the college's Human Ecology Forum. He will be discussing issues of globalization.

Guzman, a member of the Red de Defensores Communitarios por los Derechos Humanos, or the Community Human Rights Defenders Network, is on a tour of New England communities and college campuses speaking about recent issue in Mexico. His talk, "Communities Confronting Globalization: Autonomy and Human Rights," will be presented in Spanish with an English translation.

Guzman will discuss human rights abuses, their relationship to globalization, the North American Free Trade Agreement, as well as Plan Puebla Panama. It is sponsored by The Mexico Solidarity Network, which is focused on promoting dialogue and collective action for social change between the United States and Mexico.

Since the Zapatista uprising in 1994, the Mexican military and paramilitaries have waged a counter insurgency war against the Zapatista and supporting communities. Thirteen years after the uprising, communities in Mexico are developing new forms of resistance.

According to its website, The Red de Defensores operates as an autonomous human rights model in which community members who suffer human rights abuses from the army, paramilitaries and the federal government assume control of their own defense.

For more information, visit www.mexicosolidarity.org, or call Donna Gold, at 288-2944 ext. 291, or dgold@coa.edu.

Oaxaca

2006-12-12T15:16:00.000-05:00

Somewhere right now in Oaxaca, men with ski masks and assault rifles are dragging a woman out to a pick up truck and raping beating her before throwing her into the back of a truck . . .Her only crime was her refusal to be silent about her brother's murder . . this time tommorow guards will be torturing her in a cell in the women's federal prison in Nayarit on the other side of the country. The prisons of Nayarit are Mexico's Guantanamo, black holes from which no messages escape . . .

Riot police in full body armor stand alongside tanks blocking the roadways that go into the Zocalo, the city's historic center . . .

But a few blocks away a street kid in a torn t-shirt with a can of spray paint scrawls messages of liberation on walls freshly painted over earlier today and slips into the night before the patrols return.

The Zapotec legends say that when the people have faced great threats in the past the stones have hidden them . . . and when the time was right they slipped back from underneath the stones wearing the bodies of animals . . .

Friday, still in Oaxaca, I wrote this poem:

The daughters
of the 13th moon
lie battered
in the women's prison
in Nayarit.

As their blood
seeps into the floor,
the stones come alive,
spreading over scarred backs,
molding to them . .

turtle women
walk south
through gates
and checkpoints
unseen

until they come
into the Zocalo
and their shells fall away

becoming cauldrons
boiling water
for the mountains
giving birth
to the sun.

Fifth Avenue Imports and Cheap Labor Exports, the Challenge of the Millennium

2006-11-16T08:13:00.000-05:00

November 14th, 2006
Sister Cities Staff

Last week, the U.S. State Department's Development aid branch, the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), approved a 461 million dollar grant to the Government of El Salvador. According to Salvadoran President Tony Saca, this aid will be used in large part to revitalize the economies of the northern part of El Salvador, and more than half of the funds will be destined to build transportation infrastructure, primarily in a superhighway to cut through the northern third of the country, a corridor connecting El Salvador with Guatemala in the west and Honduras in the East.

At first glance, anyone would agree that road improvement in that area of the country is a necessity. But who will benefit from the latest US aid and policy implementation? The MCA funds are part of a larger economic plan for Central America, the Inter-American Development Bank's (IDB) Plan Pueblo Panama, a regional free trade industrialization plan which calls for mega highways, new hydroelectric dams, telecommunication privatization, amongst other things. El Salvador and Chalatenango happen to lie right at the heart of this transportation corridor for free market trade, yet for the people of the communities of the CCR, the MCA grant is hardly a jackpot.

Last week's MCA news comes as Mayors in the North-eastern region of Chalatenango received word that the Millennium Challenge Fund does not include direly needed repairs to the road connecting Chalatenango City with Arcatao. For the organized communities of the CCR, this means a continued transportation crisis, one that has worsened daily over the last some years. The Chalatenango-Arcatao road has become nearly impassable, with whole sections eroded away, and cavernous potholes. The damage has reached such an extent that this month the people all the municipalities along the road organized community work days to repair the road, despite the fact that the road's maintenance is under the jurisdiction of the central government.

The Chalatenango-Arcatao road is just one of hundreds in the country, but its fate illustrates well US and Salvadoran government priorities, and perhaps what lies behind the MCA. The department of Chalatenango offers a wealth of natural resources, such as mineral and hydrologic wealth, which will be more easily accessed by an east-west highway that could facilitate the movement of products through the Central American corridor. Yet what sorts of opportunities will bigger, wider, highways offer the greater population of Chalatenango? What sort of economic and social policies lie behind the MCA funds? As one way to think about this question, it is worth looking at where similar social and economic policies driven by the same actors (US Government, IDB, ARENA Governments etc.) have taken El Salvador over the last ten years.

In the repopulated community of Guajoyo, in San Vicente (sister city of Austin, Texas) the community board reports that 78 members of the community have immigrated to the US over the last 15 years since the signing of the Peace Accords. Considering that the community is made up of 146 families, that means for one out of every two families there is a community member in the US, who is maybe sending remittances back to mitigate crop damage, natural disaster, and general unemployment which face the community.

That example is representative of the country as a whole. During the last ten years, under successive right wing ARENA governments and free trade policies, as many people have migrated from El Salvador as left the country during the 50 years prior to 1998, which includes the period of the civil war. What that means, is that more people are leaving the country looking for employment and to feed their families now, than fled the country because of the twelve-year war during the eighties and nineties. Currently, a third of the Salvadoran population lives outside the country, with the vast majority residing in the United States, and most of those living in the state of California and Washington DC (two thirds of the more than 2.5 million Salvadorans in the US).

This population sends an average of 157 dollars per month back to nearly a quarter of the more than 6 million people still residing within the country. According to Salvadoran Government figures, remittances are the single largest contributor to the GDP of the country, at 17 percent and rising yearly. While $157 is nearly twice the monthly rural minimum wage, and about equal to the urban minimum wage in El Salvador, it doesn't stop immigration to the north, and an estimated 500 people per day continue leaving El Salvador for the United States. Those who arrive send nearly three billion dollars in remittances back per year (roughly equal to the annual budget of the Salvadoran Government), while paying an average of fourteen thousand dollars per year per family in US taxes. Studies show that of those three billion dollars in remittances, the large majority (83%) are spent in consumption--food, appliances, clothing, etc.

What this means, is that essentially, El Salvador is exporting cheap unskilled labor to the tune of 500 people per day to the United States to keep its families from starving. With this money, the Salvadoran economy stays afloat and pays for half its imports, and more each year, since the agricultural production sector has fallen on hard times, and maquilas continue to leave for Asia. It goes without saying that if the majority of the remittance money is spent in keeping Salvadorans from going hungry, then little is left over to invest in boosting national production or economic opportunities.

So as the Millennium Challenge funds enter the country, who will they benefit? They won't benefit the 500 economic exiles per day that are exported to the North; the immigrants won't be here to use the new roads. They won't benefit the rural population, who have seen their ranks drop from 60 percent of the Salvadoran population in 1990, to 40 percent of the population today, and find themselves travelling to the urban centers such as San Salvador or to the US in search of work, while cheap corn and beans enter the country from the US. They won't build new roads to geographically isolated communities such as the stretch between Chalatenango and Arcatao. But they will benefit the business import sector that the remittances keep afloat (controlled by the 7 richest families in the country, and foreign investors), which requires north-south corridors to move products between Canada to the Panama Canal.

Free market policies such as those included in the MCA aid will only increase immigration. In turn, immigration will continue to benefit the ARENA Government, who reaps the rewards of immigration as a social release, as the unemployed and marginalized leave the country, easing social pressure on the government and poverty, and sending back remittances to feed others who otherwise would go hungry. For the communities of CRIPDES, immigration is seen as one of the principal obstacles to community organization and empowerment, as people leave or become comfortable on remittances and are no longer interested in shared solutions to their difficulties.

In light of this reality, it is important as CRIPDES´ partners, that Sister Cities continue to define strategies to strengthen contacts with immigrants from their communities in the US, and define strategies together to organize across boarders and resist the forces of economic domination which drive youth out of their homes, and tear families apart.

Dear Bono: A Message from Rev. Billy

2006-11-09T13:26:00.000-05:00

The latest from the amazing Rev. Billy of the Church of Stop Shopping

http://dearbono.org

REVEREND BILLY TO BONO: “Stop Shopping, Start Giving!”

Dear Mr. Bono,

Let’s give directly to the children of Africa, and to the hungry in our own neighborhoods. You urge us, from a tsunami of ads - to BUY RED. To continue consuming, to shop. But we can never shop enough for the African children, when the cost to the world from ordinary shopping is so destructive. Bono — We need to stop our shopping and start our giving. Change-a-lujah! You are right that the paradox of American giving needs to be solved. This Christian nation doesn’t give. We have tended recently to bomb people in need, rather than help them. But shopping to give is like bombing to save. You got it backwards, Mr. Bono. Don’t glamorize shopping. Amen? Let’s learn to give again.

The thing that we do in creating a good neighborhood, now that is at the heart of giving. The little shop owners, the eccentric on the corner, the funny and heart-rending rituals of trust in a healthy town — this instinct of making a community locally is under general attack by chain stores and super malls, and your participating RED companies are leaders in that aggression. GAP, Nike, Apple — These companies have created the global warming economy - putting us all in cars, driving away from our human-scale stores, looking for discounts that kill us.

You act as if shopping is a neutral act, and that it can be directed this way and that, like a C-5A Cargo plane full of candy. No, consumption is a whole cycle of actions that couldn’t impact us more. It is America’s unhappy drug addiction. Consuming? It’s the psychic prison of shopping that makes giving so impossible. Shopping is the death of our spirit, and of our larger spirit, the earth where we live. Bono? Does it make sense to end life to save lives? You will save some African children and that is a wonderful thing. But we could save more by giving directly.

Let’s NOT buy red, but give to Africa, give directly, and give to our own communities by re-starting our more intimate economies at home.

El Salvador Update

2006-10-04T10:50:00.000-04:00

El Salvador Update
3rd of October, 2006

USESSC Staff

San Salvador—Last week in Carasque, Chalatenango, a truckload of soldiers arrived without noticed, and before consulting with local authorities climbed the hill behind the village. When members of the community board of Carasque realized what was going on, they fired up the PA system to call the community together. Given that the inhabitants of this region were persecuted for twelve years during the Salvadoran Civil War by the same army, the presence of soldiers is seen as a threat by many. The community decided to follow the soldiers up the hill, and confront them to find out what they were doing, and if they had permission from the property owners to be on the land. Open being questioned, the soldiers allegedly replied claiming they were surveying the land for environmental damage, deforestation, and erosion. However, community leaders maintain that the soldiers were accompanied by foreigners linked to the mining companies operating in the region; an ominous sign for the population of North-eastern Chalatenango which has overwhelmingly voiced its opposition to mining.

Since the July 5th shootings in the National University in San Salvador, military presence in the organized communities of the Association for the Development of El Salvador—CRIPDES has increased, under an array of different justifications. Military presence has been most pronounced in the departments of Chalatenango and San Vicente. Riding the wave of reactions around the country to the rising violence and especially the shootings at the National University, this month the Salvadoran Legislative Assembly passed an anti-terrorism law, pushed by the Administration of President Tony Saca and his right wing ARENA party.

Debate last month over the law unleashed a fierce barrage of name calling in the Legislative Assembly, calling back the ghosts of the Civil War. While not entirely unusual, the extremes of the debate illustrate the polarized democratic spaces within the country, and the fear-mongering tactics of the Saca Administration. Case in point was the discourse by Walter Guzmán of the right wing ARENA during Assembly discussion of the anti-terrorism bill. He accused the left wing parties and social organizations opposed to the Government of being terrorists, presumably for questioning the law. Guzman’s outburst is alarming, given that some of the principle concerns about the law have to do with its lack of a definition of what is considered terrorism, and consequently, who may be defined as terrorists. Thus, the definition is left up to the Executive Branch (controlled by the same ARENA part, which after the July 5th shootings blamed its principle political opposition the FMLN for being linked to the attacks). ARENA had insisted that the law was not designed to criminalize social protest nor achieve political designs, rather to guarantee public security, yet Guzman’s comments contradict that stance.

The Salvadoran anti-terrorism law defines terrorist organizations as “those groupings…that try to use violent or inhuman methods with the expressed goal of causing terror, insecurity, or alarm.” This definition is vague at best, leaving much up to the interpreter. Likewise, under the anti-terrorism bill, the occupation of public or private buildings, areas of public use, or cities which in any way affects the normal activities, and is done “partially or totally with the use of arms, explosives, or similar articles” is considered an act of terrorism. The Salvadoran social movement and FMLN have questioned who will interpret these definitions of terrorism and what is considered a weapon, and if this clause is not an attempt by the Salvadoran Right to retract the Constitutional right to assembly and protest. Finally, the antiterrorism law also authorizes the Salvadoran Armed Forces and Police to intercept at their discretion any sort of transportation they suspect might be connected to terrorism. Essentially, Army or Police checkpoints now have the authority to do as they will, and then say they suspected terrorism.

The retraction of basic rights, the use of fear tactics and threats on the floor of the Salvadoran Legislative Assembly are not so different than the debate last week on the floor of the USA Senate over the new detainee bill. The Boston Globe on Friday quoted Senator Christopher S. Bond, a Missouri Republican, of claiming that Democrats, in questioning the new detainee antiterrorism bill, ``encourage the enemy," and ``demoralize our troops."

``They're not unpatriotic; they just don't understand the terrorist enemies we face," Bond said. Mr. Bond might just be right, because with new sweeping powers granted by the so called Antiterrorism bill, his Republican colleagues of the Bush Administration, much like the Saca Administration, are in large part authorized to define who the terrorists and enemy combatants are. Now nobody but the President can be sure who will be labelled a terrorist, or what might constitute terrorism. However, legislators from both parties rushed to sign the detainee bill last week.
In our fear of terror, we fear the enemy could be anyone, and that is how it may well be defined, since the recent legislation doesn’t. Franklin D. Roosevelt, in his first inaugural address in 1932 uttered that now famous lines “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.” He made this remark in the midst of the Great Depression, calling for optimism and strength in hard times. What can be said of our fear of terror, of terrorism?

In a fitting ending to the story in Carasque, the inhabitants of the community told the soldiers they didn’t want them coming to the area, and did not disperse until the soldiers had trucked out of town. They have since proceeded to raise the alarm in the entire province, so other communities are ready should the soldiers or miners arrive. What might have been a retreat into fear was converted into an act of courage and popular power, a story to be told throughout the region. Despite the machine guns, uniforms and authoritarianism—in the face of fear—the community of Carasque did not stand paralyzed, rather as they have for so many years, they continued to organize for their rights. Roosevelt would say they advanced rather than retreating, for they overcame their fear—the first step in fighting terror.

PA, NJ Join Baldacci Effort to End Sweatshops

2006-09-16T19:37:00.000-04:00

News Release
For immediate release
September 16, 2006
Contact: Bjorn Claeson, 207-262-7277(o); 207-949-2375©

Governor Rendell Joins National Anti-Sweatshop Initiative
Three Governors Take Lead in Coalition to End Tax Subsidies of Sweatshops
Rendell’s Action Responsive to, Lauded by Diverse Coalition

September 16 – Today Pennsylvania Governor Edward G. Rendell announced that he is joining a path-breaking governors’ initiative to end sweatshop exploitation in apparel and other industries. Proposed by Governor John E. Baldacci of Maine, the Governors’ Coalition for Sweatfree Procurement and Workers’ Rights will use state government procurement as a catalyst to level the playing field for ethical businesses and advance justice for sweatshop workers. Deputy Secretary for Workforce Development Sandi Vito made the announcement at an anti-sweatshop educational event in Harrisburg, hosted by the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists.

“We must not encourage companies that use sweatshops by doing business with them,” Pennsylvania Governor Edward G. Rendell said. “If companies know they will lose money by continuing to employ this industrial-age practice, they will stop. Businesses can still make money by treating their employees fairly.”

“There's power in numbers,” added Governor John E. Baldacci. “If we team up with other states we'll have even more influence in the global marketplace. Workers around the world deserve any influence or leverage we can bring to the table.”

Governor Rendell’s announcement follows last week’s news that New Jersey Governor Jon Corzine also will participate in the Coalition. Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Maine all have made previous commitments to sweatshop-free procurement through legislation that includes a code of conduct requiring state contractors and subcontractors of apparel and other products to adhere to basic international fair labor standards. Other public entities with similar legislation include the states of California, Illinois, and New York, and over 60 cities, counties, and school districts.

By acting together, states and other public entities can increase resources for investigating sweatshop conditions and coordinate enforcement of sweatfree procurement policies. According to SweatFree Communities, a worker rights organization that coordinates a nationwide campaign for a State and Local Government Sweatfree Consortium, five U.S. cities, including Los Angeles and San Francisco, have also expressed interest in collaborating with other public entities to enforce sweatfree procurement legislation.

Governor Rendell’s announcement drew praise from a wide range of worker rights advocates and businesses, including garment workers’ unions, public sector unions, civil rights organizations, student groups, and apparel contractors that had requested Governor Rendell to join the Coalition.

“The sewing machine operators, pressers, and cutters who work in the Pennsylvania garment industry applaud Governor Rendell’s continued support of sweat-free procurement.” said Gail Meyer Vice President of Pennsylvania Joint Board UNITE HERE. “We are looking forward to working closely with the Governor in this new Coalition.”

“This is about exporting Pennsylvania's high standards for workers' rights throughout the global economy and creating a fair playing field that starts with respect for the human rights of workers everywhere,” said Celeste Taylor, Pittsburgh Anti- Sweatshop Community Alliance’s representative to the SweatFree Communities Board and a member of the Black Political Empowerment Project’s Planning Council. “This is an extension of the historic role of Pennsylvania's Abolitionist and Labor Union movements. The Governor takes a profound step forward by doing what is necessary to strictly enforce the 2004 Anti-Sweatshop Executive Order and offering to collaborate with other governmental jurisdictions to do so.”

More information about the campaign for a State and Local Government Sweatfree Consortium is available at: http://www.sweatfree.org/sweatfreeconsortium

Communities of CCR Say ‘No’ to Mining before Salvadoran Legislative Assembly

2006-09-12T12:18:00.000-04:00

6 of September, 2006
By Sebastian Dario

Chalatenango--On Saturday, the Legislative Assembly held their weekly floor session in Chalatenango City rather than in San Salvador. The organized communities of the CCR-CRIPDES were present, lining the streets of Chalatenango with anti-mining banners. The protest was part of ongoing activities by the National Table Against Mining, of which CRIPDES and its regional branches form part.

Early Saturday morning, young people from the communities of the CCR mounted their bicycles to tour the Department, raising awareness in every town they passed of the dangers of allowing Canadian mining companies Aura Resources Inc. (formerly Au Martinique Silver, Inc.) and Intrepid Minerals and their subsidiaries to develop mining projects in the region.

In addition to constant mobilizations by the rural communities affected by mining projects, specifically those in the CCR region of Chalatenango, the National Table Against Mining is working with lawyers to develop a Mining Law reform, in which metallic mineral mining would be banned in El Salvador. The draft of the mining law will be presented to the Legislative Assembly in a march planned for around Columbus Day.

The communities of the CCR have continued to carry out activities in protest of the Canadian mining company's presence in Chalatenango, despite the declaration by Minister of the Environment Hugo Barrera that there would be no mining exploitation licenses issued to any company because the Ministry did not have the resources to monitor the environmental impacts of mining. This has not dissuaded the mining companies from carrying out their exploration work.

Faced with the mining company's continued presence in Chalatenango, Felipe Tobar, a long time community leader and current board president of the community of San Jose Las Flores, said that community members, in coordination with the CCR, have expanded their educational work to reach the entire Department of Chalatenango, including work with unorganized communities where the CCR does not currently have a presence.

In a recent meeting of the National Table Against Mining, Felipe Tobar reported that to date nobody in Chalatenango has sold their land to the mining company, thanks to the department-wide educational campaign community leaders have been carrying out since last year. The right of property owners to decide whether or not the mining company may operate in the region is seen as one of the few legal resources the communities have to keep mining companies off their lands under Salvadoran Mining Law. Exercising this right, the property owners in the communities of San Jose Las Flores, Arcatao, Los Amates, Guarjila, Ignacio Ellacuria, Carasque and others have combed their properties, searching out mining company markers and recovering them in the face of continued mining company exploration. "Because of this," said Tobar, "it is more important than ever to strengthen out community organizing and protect our lands and communities."

El Salvador: Repression in the Name of Security, Sound Familiar?

2006-09-07T16:57:00.000-04:00

Repression in the Name of Security, Sound Familiar?

September 3, 2006

US El Salvador Sister Cities Staff

Extortions of bus drivers and professionals[i], the reappearance of death squads linked to the National Civilian Police force[ii], more than 11 homicides per day[iii], State imposed curfews[iv], and military occupations of rural communities[v]; this is the content of some of the headlines in major newspapers around El Salvador this week.

On Tuesday communities in the Lower Lempa region of San Vicente denounced the armed raid without search warrant of their historical museum by the Salvadoran Armed Forces and National Civilian Police, under order of the Attorney Generals Office. Likewise, Beatrice de Carrillo, Salvadoran Attorney General for Human Rights has denounced the existence of death squads in the style of seventies and eighties, which she links directly and indirectly to the National Civilian Police. As clear evidence of death squads, she points to the execution style assassinations and bodies recovered showing disfigurations and signs of torture.

The use of the armed forces under the guise of security, whether it be fighting gang violence or protecting borders, is part of an escalating reality in El Salvador, fuelled by the fear increasing levels of violence generates, and political motives. It is this fear that has launched the Legislative Assembly into a discussion about state of emergency curfews, and has people debating the benefits of death squads to eliminate gangs; fear generated security measures at the cost of human rights.

Over the last couple weeks, the Legislative Assembly has been discussing imposing a State of Emergency curfew on some neighbourhoods in the Greater San Salvador, in an effort to curb violence[vi]. Nevertheless, many poorer and marginalized communities have been living under gang and organized crime imposed curfews for some time now, simply because leaving ones home at night is so dangerous.[vii]

Now, some CRIPDES communities are experiencing the militarization of their towns, not by gang members, but by the Salvadoran Armed Forces. Since the aftermath of the July 5th shootings at the National University in San Salvador, when the Minister of the Interior Rene Figueroa claimed that the FMLN supported armed groups,[viii] there has been an increased military presence in the Lower Lempa region in San Vicente, and in other parts of the country. Military presence generally is most notable in FMLN strongholds or repopulations of ex-combatants.

On August 24, sixty members of the Salvadoran Army and twenty four police officers occupied the community of La Sabana all day, raiding the local historical museum without a warrant, threatening to arrest community leaders, and intimidating the population. They claimed the museum was a weapons cache, when in fact it holds artefacts that were decommissioned by the UN through the Peace Accords, have been in the community without incident during the fourteen years since they were destroyed, and all carry their UN documentation, certifying their status.

Days before the raid, the Army had been through many of the communities in the Lower Lempa Region, vaccinating farm animals. In retrospect, community members point out that the vaccination program was also a clear reconnaissance mission, in which the army identified potential targets for later raids. In a community wide Assembly in Las Anonas, San Vicente on the 31st of August, community and CRIPDES leaders warned that everyone should be alert for military movement in the area, and ready to leave their houses to confront police and military presence. In La Sabana the National Civilian Police would have arrested community members in charge of the museum had it not been for the rapid response and mobilization of the entire region, who blocked authorities from taking their leaders away.

Militarization is a national phenomenon. In the Arcatao, the Department of Chalatenango, there has been a military post for some time. Military officials in Chalatenango say that the three soldiers they posted in the community were placed there to guard the boarder. However, when the community called an assembly and invited military officials to address disorderly behavior by the soldiers, the Colonel in charge of the post did not show. A few days after the assembly, on August 15th, the Colonel arrived in Arcatao with about twenty troops armed with machine guns, which stationed themselves around the town square. He met with community leaders, and later removed the three soldiers from their post, only to immediately increase the troop deployment in Arcatao to ten soldiers. Like the Lower Lempa, Chalatenango is a historic FMLN stronghold, and at the center of the national mining debate.

In the face of the violence and fear campaign, the organized communities of CRIPDES demanded in an August 29th press release an “end of the campaign of intimidation, terror, and unfounded accusations on behalf of the Government of Antonio Saca, against community leaders and the communities of the Lower Lempa and other regions of the country.” Likewise, in a unanimous call at Thursday’s community assembly in Las Anonas, the community agreed to unite in the face of repression, to protect their communities and neighbors from the threat of repression and militarization.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[i] Carlos Montes, Mauricio Bolaños, David Marroquín, Milton Grimaldi. “Extorsiones Causan Paros y Homicidios.” La Prensa Grafica. 1 de septiembre, 2006. http://www.laprensagrafica.com/nacion/580753.asp

[ii] Leonel Herrera. “PDDH insiste en investigar a grupos de exterminio.” Diario Colatino. 30 de agosto, 2006. http://www.diariocolatino.com/nacionales/detalles.asp?NewsID=13629

[iii] “Asesinan a periodista de diario salvadoreño.” El Comicio. 28 de agosto, 2006. http://www.elcomercioperu.com.pe/EdicionOnline/Html/2006-08-28/onEcMundo0567314.html

[iv] Beatriz Castillo, Iván Escobar. “Toque de queda y limpieza social acechan colonias.” Diario Colatino. 29 de agosto, 2006. http://www.diariocolatino.com/nacionales/detalles.asp?NewsID=13606

[v] Beatriz Castillo. “Comunidades del Bajo Lempa denuncian acoso policial y militar.” Diario Colatino. 31 de agosto, 2006.

[vi] C. Monti, k. Urquilla. “Esperan opinión de FGR para el toque de queda.” Diario de Hoy. 22 de agosto, 2006. http://www.elsalvador.com/noticias/2006/08/22/nacional/nac2.asp

[vii] Daniel Valencia. “Toque de queda en el paraíso de Soyapango.” El Faro. 28 de agosto, 2006. http://www.elfaro.net/Secciones/noticias/20060109/noticias7_20060109.asp

[viii] CISPES. 7 of July, 2006. http://www.cispes.org/english/Communiques_-_Action_Alerts/espanol_7julio.html

Support Salvadoran Garment Workers

2006-09-06T11:14:00.000-04:00

Support Hermosa Maquila Workers

FROM CRISPAZ, 8/29/06

Hermosa Maquila Workers Put Former Boss in the Hotseat

Women workers from the now-closed “Hermosa Manufacturing” maquila factory announced that Hermosa owner, Joaquin Salvador Montalvo, will be the subject of a court hearing set for September 1 in the city of Apopa . The women are suing their former boss for failure to pass on their social security and pension deductions to the government agencies responsible for those accounts. Montalvo now operates a maquiladora known as MB Knitting Mills in Guazapa, 20 miles from San Salvador.

The women’s pay stubs show deductions for Social Security and pension payments, but Montalvo failed to pass those deductions to the Salvadoran Social Security Institute (ISSS) and pension fund. Hermosa workers report that many employees got a rude awakening when they visited public hospitals and were told that they could not be served because they had not paid into the system. Workers say that Social Security authorities and Montalvo worked out a partial payment deal, whereby some women received care at government facilities, while others were arbitrarily shut out. Many pregnant women were denied pre-natal care as a result of the negligent payments.

Now Montalvo is in the hot seat. It’s not the first time: workers previously occupied his factory for months when Montalvo closed Hermosa and attempted to move equipment to the MB Mills site 20 miles away. Former Hermosa workers have opened lawsuits against their former boss for back wages, pension money, and social security payments. The September 1 hearing will define if there is enough evidence to move to trial in the pension case. The other cases are pending.

ACTION: SEND A LETTER

Hermosa workers are asking that interested persons and unions send the following letter to El Salvadoran President Tony Saca, to bring their former boss to justice for his negligent actions.

ELIAS ANTONIO SACA
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF EL SALVADOR
casapres@casapres.gob.sv
fax: +503 2243 7857 / 9930

copy to:

Beatrice Alamani de Carrillo
Human Rights Ombudswoman
fax: + 503 2222 0655

Felix Garried Safie
Attorney General of the Republic
fgsafie@fgr.gob.sv
fax: + 503 2249 - 8613

Mr. Elias Antonio Saca
President of the Republic of El Salvador

Dear Mr. Saca:

Through this letter, we manifest our extreme concern for stalled justice in the case of the workers of the Hermosa Manufacturing factory.

It has come to our attention that both the labor and penal processes have so far lasted more than a year. Lengthy judicial processes in which peoples' subsistence is at stake should be prioritized and resolved immediately. We are also aware that the Attorney General's Office has not informed workers of the hearing dates to present key witnesses in cases brought by workers. This has left many of these cases impugn. Likewise, we are aware that in the penal process against Mr. Montalvo Machado there has been an assessment of the factory machinery based on Mr. Montalvo's own evaluation. We demand that plaintiffs also be able to present a qualified assessment of the value of that machinery, thus holding with the principle of procedural equality.

In light of the above, we demand of you the appropriate attention in this case and the prompt resolution of the persistent problems that workers experience. We denounce the stalling of justice and the overt bias demonstrated by government institutions in favor of maquila owners in cases brought by workers.

We condemn these practices that threaten our nation's democratic development and challenge the integrity of the State, which should promote first and foremost the development of the individual worker within a just legal framework.

Name:

Organization:

Resistance and Repression in Oaxaca

2006-09-05T11:36:00.000-04:00

College of the Atlantic Professor Gray Cox has an excellent op-ed piece in today's Bangor Daily News about the nonviolent uprising in Oaxaca in southern Mexico, and the violent military, police, and paramilitary response to it.

Oaxaca is Mexico's second poorest state, a region where the falling corn prices brought on by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) have devastated the local economy.

The Narco News Bulletin provides excellent background information, analysis, and continuous updates about the struggle in Oaxaca.

More Repression in El Salvador

2006-09-05T11:26:00.000-04:00

Wave of Repression continues in El Salvador with Death Squad-style Murders of FMLN Leaders
* Salvadoran Movement calls for international pressure for a timely and thorough investigation*

Alex Flores Montoya and Mercedes Peñate de Montoya, two well-known FMLN leaders, were found dead last Wednesday in the municipality of Coatepeque, department of Santa Ana. The husband and wife were traveling in their vehicle when they were intercepted by another vehicle. They were then forced to lay face down on the ground, each shot with a single bullet to the head, and abandoned in a nearby alley. Alex Flores Montoya was a teacher in two of the local public schools, and as an FMLN activist he served as the local FMLN board’s adjunct coordinator and ran for municipal council with the FMLN in the March 2006 elections. Mercedes Peñate de Montoya was also a recognized FMLN activist and former candidate to the FMLN municipal council in the March 2000 elections.

The FMLN denounced the death squad-style killings and is demanding a prompt and thorough investigation by the National Civilian Police (PNC) and the Attorney General’s Office (FGR). Luis Corvera, FMLN coordinator for the department of Santa Ana, said last Friday that the crime “cannot be left in impunity.” Corvera expressed the concerns of many Salvadorans saying that the murders are most likely political because the way in which the Montoyas were killed is typical of the Salvadoran death squads of the 1980’s.

Political violence in El Salvador has been escalating since the violence of July 5th, when police attacked a student protest against the rising cost of bus fare and two police officers were killed. That night the PNC illegally raided the union federation CSTS and tortured and illegaly detened union leader Daniel Ernesto Morales on July 5th, then on July 17th SETA (the water worker’s union) received a death threat signed by a supposed death squad group. In recent weeks, two “social-cleansing” death squads have reemerged in the western part of the country, and last Thursday the Salvadoran Army, spurred on by the ARENA rhetoric that has been calling the FMLN and its supporters “terrorists,” illegally occupied a rural organized community in San Vicente claiming they were looking for weapons. Meanwhile, nothing has been done in the investigation of the recent brutal murder of FMLN leader “Mariposa” Marina Manzanares’ parents in Suchitoto on July 1st, and the government has done nothing to address the evidence of death squad-like groups operating from within the PNC. (For details about the protest and violence, go to here or here for previous alerts, or check out our recent El Salvador updates here.

In the context of this escalating repression, the FMLN and Salvadoran social movement are calling for international solidarity to pressure the Attorney General’s office for a prompt and thorough investigation into the murders. Join us in demanding an end to the violence and respect for the right to organize in El Salvador – the social movement and international solidarity demand justice, not impunity, for the perpetrators of political repression!

TAKE ACTION!

1. Write to the Salvadoran Attorney General and demand that the office carry out a prompt and thorough investigation into both the most recent Montoya couple assassination and the July 1st Manzanares couple brutal murder. (see below for sample fax)

Sr. Félix Garrid Safie P., Fiscal General de La República de El Salvador -Fax: 011(503)2249 - 8607 or e-mail to fgsafie@fgr.gob.sv. Send a copy of your message and any reply to Krista Hanson at the CISPES National Office: krista@cispes.org

2. Call your Congressional Representative to inform them of the continued political repression in El Salvador and ask that she or he follow up on the recent Dear Colleague letter that called on the U.S. State Department to investigate the Salvadoran police’s respect for human rights – the Capitol Hill switchboard is 202-224-3121. The letter, including the list of signers, is on-line here. [Note: Rep. Michaud signed on to the letter and should definitely be asked to call President Saca and Secretary Rice.]

Sample Fax:

Para: Sr. Félix Garrid Safie
Fiscal General de la República de El Salvador
Presente
011-503-2249 - 8607

29 de Agosto de 2006

Estimado Sr. Félix Garrid Safie,

Le escribo para expresarle mi grave preocupación sobre los asesinatos de Alex Flores Montoya y Mercedes Peñate de Montoya el pasado Miércoles, 23 de Agosto por horas de la tarde. Los esposos, quienes eran reconocidos líderes del FMLN, fueron asesinados con un disparo a la cabeza y abandonados en el caserío San Isidro, jurisdicción de Coatepeque. Ellos dejan en la orfandad a sus 3 hijos, de 17, 21 y 25 años de edad. El asesinato ocurre a unas cuantas semanas después del brutal asesinato de los esposos Manzanares, el 1ero de Julio en Suchitoto, quienes también militaban en el FMLN.

Ambos asesinatos fueron ejecutados en un estilo propio a los Escuadrones de la Muerte, grupos armados clandestinos que funcionaron con impunidad durante la guerra en El Salvador. El hecho que cada vez es más y más frecuente este estilo de asesinato, junto con el reaparecimiento de grupos de limpieza social como la Sombra Negra y el Comando Central Maximiliano Hernández Martínez, y denuncias de grupos de exterminio dentro de la Policía Nacional Civil, apunta a un peligroso retroceso en el respeto a los derechos humanos en El Salvador. Todo ello es aún más alarmante cuando la represión política va en aumento y las ejecuciones parecieran ser deliberadamente en contra de activistas políticos de izquierda.

Por lo tanto, le pido que la Fiscalía General de la República efectúe una pronta y profunda investigación de estos casos y que por ningún motivo queden en la impunidad. Además, la Fiscalía General de la República deberá investigar los móviles políticos detrás de estos asesinatos y no descartarlos de antemano como suele hacer. Estaré al tanto del desarrollo de la investigación, así como el posterior enjuiciamiento de los culpables, y mantendré mis congresistas informados sobre la represión política en El Salvador.

Atentamente,

_______________

English version of sample fax (send Spanish version)

To: Mr. Félix Garrid Safie
Attorney General of the Republic of El Salvador
011-503-2249 - 8607

August 29, 2006

Dear Mr. Félix Garrid Safie,

I write you to express my grave concern with regards to the murders of Alex Flores Montoya and Mercedes Peñate de Montoya this past Wednesday, August 23rd. The couple, both of whom were recognized FMLN leaders, were killed with a single shot to the head and abandoned in the neighborhood of San Isidro, in the municipality of Coatepeque. They leave behind their 3 children, who are 17, 21 and 25 years old. These killings come just weeks after the brutal assassination on July 1st of the Manzanares, both of whom were also militants in the FMLN.

Both murders were carried out in the style of the death squads, armed clandestine groups that operated with impunity during the war in El Salvador. The fact that this type of murder is more and more frequent, as well as the resurgence of social cleansing groups like the Sombra Negra and the Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez Central Commando and the denouncements of extermination groups within the ranks of the National Civilian Police, all point to a dangerous setback in the respect for human rights in El Salvador. All of this is even more alarming when political repression in on the rise and these executions appear to be deliberately targeting political activists on the left.

Because of this, I ask the Attorney General’s Office of the Republic carry out a prompt and thorough investigation into these cases and that they are not left in impunity for any reason. Furthermore, the Attorney General’s Office should investigate the political motives behind these killings and not discard them a priori as is usual the case. I will be following the development of the investigations, as well as the subsequent judicial case against those responsible, and maintain my congressmen and women informed about political repression in El Salvador.

Sincerely,

_______________

Dates Set For Big Box Forums

2006-08-28T16:56:00.000-04:00

How has the growth of stores like Wal-Mart, Home Depot, and Target helped or hurt your family, your job, your community?

The Eastern Maine Fair Economy Commission
invites you to take part in

A Community Forum On
BIG BOX DEVELOPMENT
and your local economy

Alamo Theater, Bucksport, September 25, 7:00 - 9:00 p.m.

Ellsworth City Hall, September 28, 7:00 - 9:00 p.m.

Wellman Commons, Bangor Theological Seminary, October 5, 7:00 - 9:00 p.m.

Join us to share your stories, experiences, and ideas about issues like:

-- The impact of "big box" stores on jobs and wages

-- The affect of "big box" stores on other local businesses

-- The balance between the tax revenues "big box" stores bring to a community
and the demand they place on municipal services

-- The importance of low prices for people with low incomes

-- Where the products on store shelves come from

-- The environmental impacts of "big box" development

-- Ways to give the public a bigger voice in making decisions about what kind of economy we want for our communities, our region, our state,
our country, and our world.

The Eastern Maine Fair Economy Commission is a group of leaders from the labor, academic, public service, and business communities drawn together by PICA to examine the impact of "big box" development on our region and recommend policies to create a fair and sustainable economy for Eastern Maine.

For more information contact
Sean Donahue -- 207-947-4203, sean@pica.ws or
Daphne Loring -- daphneloring@hotmail.com

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This was just published today on Voices' blog.

http://voiceselsalvador.wordpress.com/electionmining-update-rep-rohrabacher-paul-behrends-and-pacific-rim/